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Economics

[2384] Innovation is not for African countries

The following illustrates the GDP per capita of countries attending the Langkawi International Dialogue. Seychelles has been left out because it is an outlier and it is messing up the graph.

The next graph shows the human development index of the same countries with the exception of Tanzania (the omission is purely a matter of aesthetic). Seychelles has been left out because there is no data for the small island state. Out of this set of countries, Malaysia is the only country classified within the “high human development” group.

What is the point of these two graphs?

One will quickly see the difference between Malaysian and these countries. What I am driving at is that Malaysia and these countries are essentially at two different stages of economic development. To put it bluntly, these African countries are behind the curve (with the possible exception of Botswana).

With that, the optimal economic policy at encouraging economic growth for the two groups are likely to be different. If there are overlaps, the overlaps are likely to be limited.

I am posting this because several Malaysian media have reported the Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak stating in his speech at the Langkawi International Dialogue that innovation is the key to growth.[1][1a] The audience? Leaders and delegates of the listed African countries.[2]

It was not that best of all messages. Why?

Innovation-based economy is just not for the African countries attending the Langkawi pow-wow.

The actual act of innovation is really more relevant to countries sitting close to the technology frontier. While Malaysia is not at the frontier like how the United States and other advanced countries are, Malaysia is definitely closer to it than the Africans. That means innovation does have a role to play in the economic growth of Malaysia, and increasingly so given where Malaysia is on its developmental curve.

To paraphrase the idea, the farther a country is from the frontier hence the less developed a country is, the less relevant innovation should be to its economic policy.

What is more relevant for least developed countries is learning by imitation.

This does not mean any innovation is unwelcome in these African states. Innovation is certainly good but to engage actively it as part of government policy is likely to be an expensive exercise when compared to the imitation path. This is an important point because many of these African countries are not exactly rich. One has to be close to the technology frontier to innovate in a big way so that innovation becomes the engine of growth. For the African countries, they have a lot of ground to cover.

Really, there are other basic issues requiring attention first, like water and electricity coverage. It is not absurd to pour billions into innovation-based activities while basic infrastructure is missing?

The countries have to prioritize their resources and imitation is the more cost-effective developmental path compared to innovation policy set.

The imitation path may not be sexy but it has proven to work. Look no farther than the four Asian Tigers, namely Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. In fact, look at the experience of Malaysia for the most part of the 1980s and the 1990s. There were some innovations, but it was mostly about copying foreign technology and diffusing the relevant technology to the masses. Economist Paul Krugman famously wrote it was all about perspiration, not inspiration.[3]

Even more relevant for these African countries are something more basic than innovation. It is simply capital accumulation and good institutions. In the orthodox growth model, it is assumed that savings are automatically translated into investment in productive activities that increase production and wealth. This is an overly optimistic view of human behavior. There are friction between savings and investment and that could be corruption. Looking at the records of a majority of these African countries, corruption is a big issue. In the case of Zimbabwe, it is simply gross mismanagement of the economy.

If I were the keynote speaker instead of the PM, I would have asked these African countries to learn the Malaysian lesson of the 1980s and the 1990s, the one which was about capital accumulation and good institutions instead of innovation.

To be fair, the PM did mention about the application of technology (I would like to criticize the “appropriate technology” approach but I will reserve for another day) and good institutions. But that does not make the innovation suggestion any less wrong.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — PUTRAJAYA, June 19 (Bernama) — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has called on African and Caribbean nations to embrace innovation as a key priority to achieve a competitive edge globally and take their economies to new heights. [Mikhail Raj Abdullah. Embrace Innovation to Score High in Global Business Rankings – Najib. Bernama. June 19 2011]

[1a] — 16. A term often associated with advanced economies these days is innovation. Countries that make innovation a priority have achieved a competitive edge over others, with countries like Korea and Taiwan who have invested heavily in this field succeeding in taking their economies to new heights.

17. There is no doubt that countries with knowledge and innovation-based economies score high in international business rankings. For example, Scandinavian countries with small populations still have among the highest per capita incomes in the world. Innovation, specialisation and internationalisation of their large-scale research facilities have helped them overcome the small size of their domestic economies. [Najib Razak. LID 2011 Keynote Address. June 19 2011]

[2] — See LIST OF COUNTRIES ATTENDING LID 2011. Bernama via Yahoo! News Malaysia. June 17 2011

[3] — Consider, in particular, the case of Singapore. Between 1966 and 1990, the Singaporean economy grew a remarkable 8.5 percent per annum, three times as fast as the United States; per capita income grew at a 6.6 percent rate, roughly doubling every decade. This achievement seems to be a kind of economic miracle. But the miracle turns out to have been based on perspiration rather than inspiration: Singapore grew through a mobilization of resources that would have done Stalin proud. The employed share of the population surged from 27 to 51 percent. The educational standards of that work force were dramatically upgraded: while in 1966 more than half the workers had no formal education at all, by 1990 two-thirds had completed secondary education. Above all, the country had made an awesome investment in physical capital: investment as a share of output rose from 11 to more than 40 percent.

Even without going through the formal exercise of growth accounting, these numbers should make it obvious that Singapore’s growth has been based largely on one-time changes in behavior that cannot be repeated. Over the past generation the percentage of people employed has almost doubled; it cannot double again. A half-educated work force has been replaced by one in which the bulk of workers has high school diplomas; it is unlikely that a generation from now most Singaporeans will have Ph.D’s. And an investment share of 40 percent is amazingly high by any standard; a share of 7O percent would be ridiculous. So one can immediately conclude that Singapore is unlikely to achieve future growth rates comparable to those of the past.

But it is only when one actually does the quantitative accounting that the astonishing result emerges: all of Singapore’s growth can be explained by increases in measured inputs. There is no sign at all of increased efficiency. In this sense, the growth of Lee Kuan Yew’s Singapore is an economic twin of the growth of Stalin’s Soviet Union growth achieved purely through mobilization of resources. Of course, Singapore today is far more prosperous than the U.S.S.R. ever was–even at its peak in the Brezhnev years–because Singapore is closer to, though still below, the efficiency of Western economies. The point, however, is that Singapore’s economy has always been relatively efficient; it just used to be starved of capital and educated workers. [Paul Krugman. The Myth of Asia’s Miracle. Foreign Affairs. November 1994]

Categories
Economics

[1631] Of a silver lining behind the food crisis

Fair use.The Doha Round is a trade negotiation on a global scale which seeks to lower trade barriers with the ultimate goal of promoting free trade among members of the World Trade Organization. The birth of the Round was difficult and development surrounding the Round is riddled with seemingly insurmountable challenges. In Cancun, Mexico for instance, a trade talk famously collapsed only after 4 days of negotiation.[1] There are several major hurdles all WTO members have to overcome but with the current buzzword being the “food crisis”,[2] farm subsidies enjoyed by farmers in the US and EU are of special interest and it has been associated with developmental issues in Africa.

The agricultural subsidy distorts the market by bringing the cost of production artificially down, artificially increases supply from the developed world and artificially drives prices down.[3] Some quantity of the artificially low-priced food is then exported to impoverished countries where it will compete with locally grown food which is more expensive than imported food.[4] Along with cheap food being flooded in the local market by aid groups which further depresses local food prices,[5] it simply does not make sense for farmers in the countries to be involved in food production. African farmers are unable to utilize their possible comparative advantage under free market while farmers in the developed world are investing in sectors which they do not have comparative advantage. Thus, African countries have little incentive to build their capacity in sectors which they are best positioned to take thrive under free market.

A solution to this problem is the removal of farm subsidies in the developed world. The removal will see the agriculture industry in the developed world to decline in importance. The vacuum will then be taken over by farmers in poorer countries with comparative advantage in agriculture. These poor countries could build up its food production capacity while creating the much needed employment opportunities for the local. Through this, poor African countries have a chance of pulling themselves up rather than relying on aids that bring limited opportunity for economic growth.

The issue with this solution is that while on a very big picture narrative, it allows greater efficiency in resources utilization, the move will increase food prices paid by Africans, possibly beyond the means of the poor despite giving local producers the signal they need to seriously invest in food production industry. With the agricultural subsidy in the developed world gone, prices will immediately go up to free market prices of food produced in the developed world. Quantity of food produced will also drop until replacement farms are up and running. And even if changes occur immediately — where the agriculture industry in the developed world would die off immediately and instantaneously replaced by new farms in Africa — cost of food produced could possibly still be higher than the ones subsidized though it would still be cheaper than food originating from unsubsidized farms in the developed world, with everything else constant.

Yet, the pain suffered is only short term in nature; capability building will slowly bare fruits that will fuel the economy, setting the stage for a brighter future.

Price is an important signal in decision-making processes. Higher crude oil prices have encouraged energy companies to conduct explorations for the black gold in remote places all over the world. Similar to the trend seen in the oil and gas sector, higher biofuel prices have encouraged expansion of palm oil plantation in Indonesia and sugar cane in Brazil. The same trend is applicable to the food sector.

Food prices have been steadily increasing for the past couple of years due to several factors. The increase has proven to be sufficiently high that the IMF has cautioned the world community that we are facing a food crisis. Riots related to food availability have occurred at a number of places across the world. It is clear that food supply needs to increase or else, Malthus would have a day in the sun.

It is unclear how much food would be produced however if the relevant farms migrated from the developed world to African countries as well as to countries with agriculture as their comparative advantage. Four factors are crucial in answering that question on quantity: labor, land, capital and technology. A free market world is the one with free flow of capital and labor but that is an idealistic world. Our world, for now, is characterized with capital flowing more freely than labor though labor, especially in the more globalized part of the world, is increasingly becoming more mobile. The developed world has plenty of capital and high technology related to farming but they lack the labor and in many places, land. The third world such as African countries has plenty of labor and land but most definitely lacking the capital and the know-how. Given difference in endowment, which should go where?

I am in the opinion that the more mobile factors should move and that means relocation of farms from the developed world to the third world. Labor and land do not go around easily but the contrary is true for capital and technology. With all four factors concentrating at a focus point, it is possible for food production to increase on the net with full utilization of comparative advantage.

As a recap, higher priced food should attract more players into the agriculture industry, including in Africa. If there is enough pressure on market prices to increase higher than production cost, poor farmers suffering from developed countries’ agricultural subsidy policy should be able to begin to build their capacity in food production. Now, these local farmers could compete with foreign subsidized competitors.

If that is so, perhaps the removal of food subsidy might not be so central in the issue of African development anymore. This however does not justify agricultural subsidy policy in the developed countries. What this means instead is that the farmers in Africa may bow have an avenue to pull themselves out of poverty in spite of market distorting subsidy enjoyed by farmers in the developed world. A respect for comparative advantage and the market meanwhile should increase food production until a point where all four factors meet the ultimate point of diminishing returns to scale.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — See Doha Development Round at Wikipedia.

[2] — WASHINGTON (AFP) — Rising food prices and their threat to political stability and development gains captured the attention of world economic leaders meeting here, with a call to arms launched by the World Bank. [Food crisis moves up global agenda at IMF, WBank meets. AFP via Google News. April 14 2008]

[3] — See Agricultural subsidy at Wikipedia.

[4] — Further complicating aid programs is a debate at the World Trade Organization over concerns that the United States has used food aid to dump surplus commodities in foreign countries where the supply has undercut local farmers’ earnings. [U.S. Cutting Food Aid Aimed at Self-Sufficiency. New York Times. December 22 2004]

[5] — The delivery of food aid to developing countries seems like an uncontroversial policy — a straightforward effort that helps the poor and underscores the generosity of donor nations. Yet, economists have long debated the merits of food aid. By increasing the local supply of food, such aid may depress prices and thus undercut the income of rural farmers in the recipient nations, for example; it also may discourage local production. And, since the poor often are concentrated in rural areas, food aid in fact may disproportionately hurt the poor. [Does International Food Aid Harm the Poor?. Carlos Lozada. National Bureau of Economic Research. Extracted April 26 2008]

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Conflict & disaster Economics History & heritage Politics & government

[1089] Of the Scramble for Africa II

During the era of imperialism, European powers as well as a few others scoured the face of the Earth for territories. In Central Asia in the 19th century, the scour was called The Great Game. On the continent which the Nile flows, where the wildebeests roam the Serengeti, the Game had another name: the Scramble for Africa. Two centuries later, history is repeating itself in Africa as well as in Central Asia. Though the race does not come in the form it once took or with players that once played the game, it is a race nonetheless. Africa in particular has been the center of attention by both the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China.

For China, its economic growth requires so much fuel that it is embarking on a massive global search for precious resources to quench its thirst. In quest to secure sustainable growth, realizing that Africa is rich in natural resources, China is buying influence there by promising no-interest loan worth billion of dollar to improvised but resources-rich African nations:

Before arriving, he announced soft loans worth another $3 billion and a doubling of aid to Africa over the next three years.

[…]

This, probably more than anything else, is what makes Mr Hu popular with African governments. His largesse comes with no strings attached, unlike pesky Westerners who insist on anti-corruption drives or improving human-rights records in exchange for money. China’s hand-outs come without the tang of neo-colonial interference so disliked by many Africans.

This is on top various investments made by the Chinese across the continent. It is suffice to say that to Africa at the moment, China is Santa Claus.

In a way, Africa is the perfect target for China. The competition for natural resources might not be as fierce at it is in the Middle East and Central Asia. In the Mideast, there are United States as well as other powerful corporations that in some ways monopolize the world’s supply of fuel. With Iraq in shamble and Iran rattling saber with the US, risk is high.

In Central Asia, there is the ever-jealous Russia trying to reassert its influence on the former states of the Soviet Union. And of course, the United States is everywhere, worthy of the label superpower it claims to. In these two regions, I would use the word crowded to describe the situation. Africa on the contrary has so many places remain unexplored. So far, it is a free for all and China is leading the pack.

The spotlight on Chinese interest on Africa has attracted the world to both. I trust the US is especially suspicious of the Chinese activities in Africa. Further, the US is not new in Africa. Earlier, there was rumor that the US was indirectly involved in the recent conflict in Somalia:

The officials said the C.I.A. effort, run from the agency’s station in Nairobi, Kenya, had channeled hundreds of thousands of dollars over the past year to secular warlords inside Somalia with the aim, among other things, of capturing or killing a handful of suspected members of Al Qaeda believed to be hiding there.

And then, who could forget of CNOOC’s failed bid for Unocal back in August 2005?

To be fair, the US interest in Africa is not mainly due to Chinese presence. The US fears Islamist influence and indirectly, anti-US groups. This is in line with the US alleged role in Somalia. The issue on security has led the United States to establishing a new command center in Africa:

WASHINGTON: The Pentagon will establish a new military command to oversee its operations in Africa, President George W. Bush and Defense Secretary Robert Gates announced.

Creation of the U.S. Africa Command, which had been expected, will “strengthen our security cooperation with Africa and create new opportunities to bolster the capabilities of our partners in Africa,” Bush said Tuesday.

And of course, China and the US are not the only players of the race. Other countries, including Malaysia have already created substantial presence in Africa:

American sanctions have kept many companies from Europe and the United States out of Sudan, but firms from China, Malaysia, India, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates are racing in. Direct foreign investment has shot up to $2.3 billion this year, from $128 million in 2000, all while the American government has tried to tighten the screws.

Competition will be fierce. In fact, Malaysian national oil and gas company has been kicked out of Chad. Suspiciously, that episode has proven to be profitable for the Chinese.

Nevertheless, while the last scramble brought most of Africa to its knees, I have a feeling that this race will be different. With all the investment coming in and increasing trade, something good is bound to happen. I am optimistic that Africa is looking forward to a better future. I am optimistic that the second scramble is the precursor to the prosperity globalization promises. There will be obstacles of course but this scramble is too precious to squander that I do not think the obstacles would stop Africa from gaining respect from the rest of the world.