Categories
Liberty Politics & government Society

[1344] Of fret not of Abdullah Gul

Abdullah Gul is almost certain to be the next President of Turkey. Gul’s Islamist past however is causing great consternation among Turkish secularists. They had rallied impressive public dissent that ultimately failed in the face of democracy. The defeat has further caused the secularists distress. I however believe Turkish secularists are worrying too much and harping on ridiculous issues. They are several reasons why that is so.

First and foremost is Turkey’s eagerness to join the European Union. While there are opposition to Turkey’s accession into the regional grouping, there are those that would look forward to sit together with Turkey as equal in the EU. The fact that Turkey is a secular country is one of few factors that enable such support to exist. As long as Turkey aspires to become part of EU, there is a strong reason to believe that Gul, a firm EU supporter, will work to keep Turkey secular.

Gul himself has been instrumental in booting fundamentalists and attracting moderates, as mentioned by an article at The Economist:

Mr Gul says that, as president, he will reach out to all Turks and that he will remain loyal to the secular tenets of the constitution. His four years as foreign minister leave little room for doubt. He was the driving force behind the many reforms that persuaded European Union leaders to open long delayed membership talks with Turkey in 2005. And it was Mr Gul who engineered the defection of fellow moderates from the overtly Islamist Welfare Party which was bullied out of office by the generals in 1997. [Ready to take office. The Economist. August 21 2007]

This shows that Gul is flexible and accommodating. Furthermore, Gul has promised his critics that he will adhere to the tenets of Turkish secularism:

Turkish Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul has pledged to protect and strengthen the country’s secular principles if he succeeds in a fresh presidential bid. [Turkey’s Gul vows secular agenda. BBC News. August 14 2007]

While I do not subscribe to Turkish secularism due to its statism as well as illiberalness, that should be of some value and comfort to local secularists.

And then, there is issue surrounding the attire of Abdullah Gul’s wife. Turkish secularists are harping at the fact the she wears Islamic headscarf but surely, such issue is too silly to be a major reason why Gul should not be the President of Turkey. While Turkey does have a law against the wearing of such headscarf at civic spaces, it is not Gul himself that is wearing that headscarf. What the secularists are doing is really a logical fallacy: guilt by association. Most of all, I fail to see how his wife’s attire could affect his ability to function as the President of Turkey.

What the secularists should do now is to fully support Turkey’s accession into the EU. Through this, the secularists could hold AKP, the party which Gul is a member, at ransom.

And for many liberals like me, Turkish accession into EU is the ticket to liberalize Turkey away from its narrow nationalistic sentiment. AKP, despite being cited as an Islamist party, is already embarking into that direction. On top of that, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has tried hard to throw away its Islamist image, favoring a more centrist one instead. Under him, AKP has been concentrating on democratic and economic reform rather than on suffocating Islamist agenda.

In any case, AKP has marched forward farther towards liberalism than any secularist party in Turkey had. Therefore, if I were a Turk, I would be happy with AKP; that is especially so with a healthly economy.

Categories
Activism Conflict & disaster

[1343] Of PSA: JUST seminar on terrorism

JUST is organizing a seminar on terrorism set for early next month. I have been invited but unfortunately, I have promised my group within the Malaysian Nature Society to climb up the Klang Gates Ridge together with them on the same day. And so, I have to skip the seminar. To absolve myself from guilt of turning down the invitation, I am spreading the news for them. It is free and you, yes you bloggers you naughty little rascal, are invited.

JUST is pleased to announce that it will be organizing a seminar on “Super Terror and the Politics of 9/11” on the 8th September (Saturday). As part of our effort to reach out to the local blogging community and civil society groups/activists, we are directly inviting bloggers and activists such as yourself to participate in this programme. The seminar will touch on state-sponsored terrorism and will also focus on regional terrorism such as in Latin America, West Asia and Southeast Asia.

SEMINAR ON ‘SUPER TERROR AND THE POLITICS OF 9-11’
Date : 8 September 2007 (Saturday)
Time : 9.00 am — 5.30 pm
Venue : Sin Chew Hall, Sin Chew Daily, 19, Jalan Semangat, 46200 Petaling Jaya
Organiser : International Movement for a Just World (JUST)

For more information, visit JUST.

Categories
Personal Photography

[1342] Of a reward after a frightful climb

I was up on Bukit Tabur again last Sunday, committing to a more challenging climb. At one time, I could feel fear overwhelming rationality. My feet were clearly shaking uncontrollably, for fear of slipping down the rocky trail. At one time, I was hanging by a rock with a crevasse approximately 30 meters down. I couldn’t move. I couldn’t think and I was trying to get a grip on myself, figuratively and literally. I am just glad I didn’t go there alone, as I had planned to. Without partners, I think I could have been in a dangerous situation, especially when it was raining, along the jagged trail on top of the ridge.

I haven’t felt such fear for a very long time. But I made it. Shaken but I made it nonetheless.

Despite that experience, pictures like this…

By Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved.

…made it worth my while. The adrenaline felt good after all been said and done. The Monday after however was a very painful day. My muscle was twitching so hard that I could not concentrate at work.

If you’re wondering, this is a picture of a colony of mosses on top of Bukit Tabur. Bukit Tabur is part of the Klang Gates Ridge, possibly the longest quartz ridge in the world, according to WWF Malaysia.

Categories
Politics & government Society

[1341] Of BN’s false assumption of monolithic communities

I have lately begun to wonder how UMNO manages communal relationship within the Malaysian society at large. While the answer to the question may be obvious through casual observation, there is an intriguing piece of which I have yet to grasp; it is in the air and it eludes me. I have struggled for several days to describe that piece and the best arrangement of words I could muster is this: UMNO perceives various ethnic communities as monolithic group and it refuses or unable to accept the fact such communities are diverse and do not have one mind.

This idea sources its rationale from UMNO’s preference to discuss matters on ethnic relationship behind closed door between its own four walls with its political partners in Barisan Nasional. They would deliberate on the matter by themselves and then impose the outcome of the deliberation on the general public. From time to time, UMNO seems to force its partner to come to a conclusion favorable to UMNO at the expense of its partners. Once that is done, opinion originating from outside of BN would be dismissed as fringes and irrelevant for BN recognizes only themselves as exclusive representatives of all ethnic communities and these representatives have agreed to a conclusion or solution. Thus, UMNO and BN claim that its politics is inclusive. This is done to create the appearance that BN has the monopoly of support from all communities. In the process, the assumption of ethnic groups are monolithic in its point of view; the lack of political pluralism.

What they recognize however does not mean it is necessarily true. My disgust for such UMNO’s pretension of exclusive representation of the Malays prompted me to state that unelected representatives have no mandate to represent everybody.

Those in BN do represent some groups in the society but they certainly do not totally represent a whole community. For instance UMNO does not represent each and every Malay, just as how MCA does not represent each and every Chinese.

Despite that, perception is important. In a society of a majority with limited education level, the effect of groupthink could be substantial. Such members of the society have limited ability to think for themselves and are more than happy to let others do the thinking for them. For UMNO and BN themselves are happy to persuade that section of the society towards a communal cause via simplistic grand narrative.

While such tactics had worked in the past through tight control exerted over the mainstream media, disruptive technology has broken BN’s monopoly of information and hence, perception of monolithic society to BN and more important, to the general public. Greater proliferation of the internet along with the affordability of visual and audio recorders that disseminate information unvarnished from the bottom up, organically, instead of top down, inorganically is seriously challenging and dismantling that perception.

I wonder though whether this perception of exclusive representation is done unconsciously or on purpose by UMNO and BN.

Regardless, if UMNO and BN do not switch track, they would lose it aura of invincibility fast. The reason is ethnic communities are not monolithic entities that an official speaker could fully represent each community. There are many subgroups within each community and each has a mind of its own. The rich diversity in opinion in each community makes it impossible for the whole community to be represented by a speaker. This is especially so when UMNO tells such speakers what outcome is favorable before discussions even begin. If UMNO continues with its status quo, the representatives that BN recognizes as the exclusively representatives of a community would lose their relevance to the grassroots. Such representatives would have to represent UMNO’s wishes instead of the individuals in the communities. In the end, many subgroups in the community would be clearly not represented by BN representatives.

Similar scenario is observable in southern Thailand. The authority has tried to speak to the perceived leader of the rebellion in search for solution to the current conflict. While contacts have been made, rebel activities have yet to stop. This might due to the fact that these rebels work independently and unrepresented by any leaders the Thai authority is talking to. Like the ethnic communities in Malaysia, these rebels do not form a monolith organization which a leader or a limited circle could shape the direction of the rebellion.

In other words, the mind of the community is distributed far and wide. There is no hive with a queen that one could talk to. Furthermore, the queens recognized by UMNO and BN are not recognized by all members of the community.

In the past, BN had dealt with such plurality by overpowering it with the assumption of monolithic groups through suppression. New technology today has made such suppression less effective however. New physical and social technologies have allowed the idea of political pluralism to rule over the assumption of monolithic society.

UMNO and BN are struggling to deal with this. Judging by both’s incoherent assaults against blogs lately, it is possible that they are shaken by this new challenge of political pluralism amid the presumption of monolithic communities, among other things.

Categories
Conflict & disaster

[1340] Of drawing parallel between the partition of Iraq and the Balkan states

The New York Times today draws a parallel between the Bosnian conflict and Iraq. The article visits one of the solutions that could end inter-communal violence in Iraq and that solution is partition, just like what happened to Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia. The article further states three reasons why the Balkanization of Iraq might not be as successful as the Balkanization of the Balkans.

Number one:

The first crucial condition for the former Yugoslav republic of Bosnia was that it was already carved up. When negotiators gathered at Dayton, the raging violence had succeeded in paring, pushing and repulsing Catholics, Eastern Orthodox Christians and Muslims into mostly coherent enclaves. War created a sustainable map on the ground. The task facing diplomats was to get it in ink.

Such a map is far from drawn in Iraq. Although two million Iraqis have fled the country and another two million are displaced within Iraq’s borders, up to five million more — 20 percent of the prewar population — would have to be moved to create an ethnically coherent place. [Divided They Stand, but on Graves. New York Times. August 19 2007]

Number two:

The second unmet condition is that by 1995 in Bosnia, all three sides had fought themselves to utter exhaustion. In Iraq today, polls show that average citizens are exhausted by the war, but militia-style fighters loyal to the three sectarian factions remain fully tooled for combat — just warming up for advanced bloodletting. Foreign fighters and foreign weapons continue to flow into Iraq over its porous borders. [Divided They Stand, but on Graves. New York Times. August 19 2007]

Number three:

Which underscores the third condition not visible in Iraq. A genius of the Dayton process was that the outside powers arming and inspiring the Bosnian violence — Slobodan Milosevic, the Serbian dictator, and Franjo Tudjman, the Croatian strongman — were at the table along with their Bosnian proxies and Muslim representatives.

With their signatures on the accords, the flames of outside agitation were extinguished.

By contrast, the Bush administration has been unwilling or unable to cajole Iran and Syria into a full diplomatic partnership to end the anti-government and anti-coalition attacks in Iraq. There appear to be few prospects of expanding direct dialogue, especially with Iran. [Divided They Stand, but on Graves. New York Times. August 19 2007]

I have shared my sentiment against turning Iraq into a 3-state federation. Nevertheless, daily reports of violence in Iraq has forced me from being against, to nearly neutral of the prospect of a federation, or even partition.