Tag: racial politics

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Politics & government

[1932] Of UMNO blew my fuse

I have a knack of finding myself in places I would least expect doing things that I would not imagine. That happened to me as an undergraduate a couple of times with the instance of me hiking in the Sierra Nevada on a whim notice as the best example of all. Though less life-changing than that hike and instead reaffirming, I found myself with an observer pass to the ongoing UMNO assembly. I observed the Puteri UMNO session from the back and I can say that I do not remember when was the last time I felt so angry.

This was Puteri, mind you. If it was a Pemuda session, I probably would have gone berserk.

How I got the pass should be left out of this space because that is yet another story of unsuspected chain of events that if told, would force me to digress from what I really want to share here. So, please do not ask how I got the cursed pass.

I came with an open mind because I have met with some of who I would call reformists within UMNO. Despite knowing that their aspiration comes far short than my expectation, I do wish them success because if everybody is to be kept honest, there has to be competition and at the moment, UMNO — and BN in general — does not provide quality competition. The lack of quality competition is what I attribute as a factor to what I see as Pakatan Rakyat abusing the trust it has respectfully gained not too long ago.

Besides, the opening speech by Najib Razak on Tuesday’s night at Putra World Trade Center was not a bad experience after all. I am not saying I was impressed with or believed in his speech but it was a good learning experience. It was an opportunity to learn the mind of UMNO. Furthermore, this is the time of a leadership change. To witness it is something to remember, for better or for worse.

Admittedly, I arrived at the venue early with great consternation. I think, seeing myself so flagrantly among UMNO people near their headquarters is bad for my reputation. But I swallowed that feeling, advising myself to give it a chance.

That was my mistake.

To be fair, it started mildly. Puteri UMNO said this and that and I learned a thing or two about the internal politics and atmosphere of UMNO deeper. There were a lot of pretty girls too and free lunch. So I thought that could provide me with at least a break even experience: I could learn something, enjoy pretty faces and eat some good food while having my ears and consciousness abused.

Despite disagreeable ideas, the first half of the day went somewhat okay. The second half was another story.

I was on time for the second session but clearly, time is inconsequential to the members of Puteri UMNO. The program began about 30 minutes late because there were too few people in the hall. While I do not pretend to be extremely precise with my time management, a wait of 30 minutes is intolerable. I tend to get very restless when I have to wait that long. I started to talk to myself, criticizing them. Hey, this is a party that governs a country!

It was downhill from then on.

They talked about their policy on the monarchy and language to paint themselves as the most Malays of all Malays while ignoring past contradictory actions that UMNO had committed. For instance, the 1993 amendments to  the Constitution of Malaysia. To use the oft-mentioned phrase of UMNO, “Melayu mudah lupa.” Really, UMNO mudah lupa because not all Malays are forgetful of history.

A state representative of the Puteri wing proposed for money politics to be legalized in a controlled fashion in UMNO, without any hint of remorse. I have heard this suggestion at a closed door discussion before and I thought then it was just a wacky suggestion made by an outlier. To hear it in the assembly so publicly however is shocking.

Maybe, she wanted to say to allow a political donation system, like the one practiced in the US or UK but the way she presented the idea — if indeed what I think that was what she wanted to say really — was too crude.

Another suggested for UMNO to strengthen its hands in business, seemingly unaware of criticisms which UMNO seriously faces.

Still on money politics, there was an unbelievable call for the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission to not investigate UMNO. More audaciously, she wanted UMNO to manage its own problem with corruption and money politics while outsiders, like the MACC, should stay outside. Having UMNO to investigate itself is like having the accused being both the judge and the jury. Oh, and the legal counsel too. Yes I know, what the fuck, eh?

Pardon my French for I think I should not restrain myself any longer. That would be bad for my psychological health. How can I restrain myself? Why should I restrain myself?

I restrained myself long enough when I was in the middle of the whole circus. That earned me my right to say fuck.

There were some good points: a representative questioned why Ali Rustam was punished while others were let off the hook. The chairperson tried to encourage the representative to not to talk about it but she persevered.

One sang a song despite being reminded that her time was up, several times by the chairperson of the session. Nice voice and face too but, man, this is not American Idol, babe.

Good points however were short and what I considered as bad were aplenty. I do not remember them and I do not intend to refer to my notes. What I remember is that my ears were red. The temperature of my ears was above room temperature.

I was bad at concealing my emotion after some period of time and I think some people started to notice my demeanor at some point of time.

I finally blew my fuse — in a very silent way; I did not make a scene — when a representative spoke of how Malays are successful not mostly because of their own effort but because of BN-government policy which, in no uncertain terms, refers to the New Economic Policy.

Enough, I said. No more of this.

So, I packed by stuff and went out of the hall only to suffer a slow elevator ride downward. There was a beautiful Puteri UMNO who smiled at me but I was at a stage where if I had a shotgun, I would have gone on a shooting spree. She would be my first victim. I impolitely ignored her because the air in the elevator was suffocating and filthy and sinful and full of cruel intention.

The door finally opened but only to a floor full of people shouting and campaigning for candidates which I would rather generalize and accuse them so liberally all as corrupt racists. Something was boiling inside of me and yet here I was, having to navigate myself through a sea of people I would rather not associate myself with. These are the people that make me ashamed to be a Malay.

I marched, determined to get out while putting a straight face, trying to mask my anger and disgust.

Once outside under the cloudy but still open sky of Kuala Lumpur, I breathed deep. My lungs were almost busting until the time was right for me to breath out. All that vicious feelings melted all at once, giving way to a feeling of liberation. My pace started to slow down and finally to a halt. I wanted to relish the fact that I was out of that ill-filled hall and building.

And I saw Australia.

I cannot wait for Australia anymore, even when Australia for me is expected to be a temporary experience.

July come quick!

Categories
Politics & government

[1808] Of the continuing relevance of racial politics and its implication to Barisan Nasional

These days, it is presumed that racial politics in this country is dead. It is understandable why this conclusion is appealing but it is certainly wise to refrain from signing off racial politics as a factor in Malaysia politics.

This presumption has its basis in the outcome of the March 8 general election. Barisan Nasional lost considerable number of state and federal seats to the alliance of DAP, PAS and PKR on that historic day. With Barisan is seen as the symbol of racial politics and the three-party alliance — Pakatan Rakyat — is viewed as the antithesis, it is absolutely tempting to relate the electoral outcome to the dichotomy between racial and non-racial politics.

The competition between the two ideas does have a role in the outcome of the election but it is definitely not the sole factor.

Prior the general election, the Barisan-led government on almost daily basis continued to insult the intelligence of Malaysians through its control over the mainstream media. That insult later turned into a battle of credibility as many fought back on the internet and with other means. What happened afterwards was a very personal and public battle between the former Information Minister Zainudin Maidan and the local blogosphere.

BERSIH, meanwhile, took to the streets to demand democratic reforms. This not only attracted sympathizers of DAP, PAS and PKR but also those that truly believe in the need for better democratic system. Others just simply wanted to express their general discontent with the BN-led federal government.

Corruption, meanwhile, was perceived as rampant thanks to several cases such as the ones involving Zakaria Mat Deros, ECM-Libra and even the procurement of weapons. The 2007 Auditor-General’s report, which lists down the excesses of various ministries, made the situation even worse for the BN.

Crime also was on the list. The tragic story of Sharlinie remained unsolved unresolved while the Altantuya murder case with its links to the upper echelon of government very much unsettled ordinary voters.

There are more but while these issues are racially neutral, they do not fit into the racial-non-racial dichotomy. One can definitely be a believer in racial politics but at the same time be concerned with issues of crime, corruption and democratic reforms.

One could even fight against Barisan while believing in racial politics and in Barisan. The anti-Abdullah fraction is one group falling in this category. The former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed went as far as encouraging UMNO members to vote against Barisan.

In short, people on both sides were angry at Barisan. All things considered, protest votes rather than believe in non-racial politics may have played a larger role in the result of the March 8 general election.

Not only the role played by racial politics is pushing votes away from Barisan may be overemphasized, the role of racial politics in attracting votes to Pakatan has also been underemphasized.

This can be proven through how PKR place itself in front of a less liberal Malay audience with regard to matter concerning the New Economic Policy. While PKR as well as Pakatan indeed promote an inclusive merit-based affirmative action dubbed the New Economic Agenda as an alternative, the argument against the NEP — the one policy with great association with the racial politics of Barisan — is not position diametrically.

On the contrary, PKR continues to persuade the average Malays to abandon the NEP or its legacy by impressing on the idea that the implementation of the NEP has been corrupted over the years by the corrupt UMNO. PKR is happy to point out that the implementation of the NEP nowadays is flawed while acknowledging the past success of the NEP which improved in the Malay lot. One will be hard-pressed to find a statement which PKR officially stated the NEP is conceptually flawed. PKR simply will not do that, much to the dismay of its sympathizers of libertarian leaning.

Furthermore, PKR does endeavor to convince the average Malays that the welfare of a lot of Malays would continue to be guaranteed under the NEA since the Malays, as it is generally believed, make up a majority of the Malaysian underclass.

The point with the position of the PKR with respect to the NEP and the Malays is that the average Malays are still concerned with the well-being of their race. PKR recognize this and with this cognizance, have frequently pointed out that the party will defend Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia, which safeguards the special position of the Malays in the country. If PKR is to outright reject Article 153, it would be interesting to see how the average Malays, even those supportive of PKR, would react.

While there is a hint of racial politics in the way PKR handle the NEP in front of average Malay audience, the tactics leads to a strategic end of a non-racial outcome, i.e. the end justifies the mean. After all, the creation of a right egalitarian society is dependent on convincing the average Malays the needs and benefits of an egalitarian society.

Even stronger case of racial politics in Pakatan can be observed within PAS. The existence of PAS itself is closely predicated upon racial politics. Within the Malaysia context, religion is a component of racial politics, as with language and education among others. This is especially so when Article 160 of the Constitution defines a Malay as a Muslim.

If that is an unconvincing point, then consider the existence of factions within PAS which wish to cooperate with Umno in order to secure Malay-Muslim influence in local politics. The prospect of non-Malays, non-Muslims dominating Pakatan is enough of an incentive for some in PAS to work with UMNO.

And surely, Pakatan has been the great beneficiary of racial politics as demonstrated by the support the coalition receives from Hindraf and the sympathizers of the movement. While it is possible to see Hindraf as a civil liberty movement which seeks equality, the movement undeniably positioned itself well within the scope of racial politics.

Perhaps, the greatest proof of the continuous relevance of racial politics is the oft-overlooked fact that Barisan actually won the general election in terms of popular votes and seats won.

Nevertheless, just as the success of Pakatan cannot be fully attributed to the appeal of non-racial politics, the victory of Barisan cannot be fully attributed to racial politics either. Yet, it is likely that after controlling for other factors, racial politics would still play a large factor.

Even if racial politics has lost its appeal to a many Malaysians, racial politics still appeal to considerable number — if not the majority — of Malaysians.

The only way to ascertain the end of the racial politics as a major factor of Malaysian politics is to see how large a factor racial politics will play in the next general election or even the one after. Everybody should be wary of making one grand conclusion based on one observation, however reliable the observation is.

All that brings me to one question: what is the possible implication of continuing relevance of racial politics?

The most obvious is the possibility of heeding the call of Dato’ Onn: for Barisan Nasional to abandon racial politics in one way or another.

If indeed racial politics still has great relevance in Malaysian politics, the abandonment of racial politics by Barisan would see schism in its three great parties, namely UMNO, MCA and MIC. Though purely a conjecture, the prospect of ethno-nationalists — be it Malay, Chinese, Indian or the mysterious others — breaking away from a unitary multiracial Barisan is not an outlandish possibility.

Maneuvered unwisely, the new Barisan Nasional may find itself sandwiched between Pakatan on the left and a new ethno-nationalists entity on its immediate right. Hitler lost his war by fighting on two fronts simultaneously; a new Barisan, finding itself in between a rock and a hard place, may just share the same fate.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

A version of this article was published in The Malaysian Insider. Two paragaphs (the question and the reference to Dato’ Onn) were removed from the TMI version.

Categories
Society

[1800] Of property rights are sacred too

The importance of Hindus’ support to the Pakatan Rakyat is undeniable. It would be hard to imagine how Pakatan could be as successful as it was on March 8 without overwhelming support from the Hindus and the Indians in general. When the Sri Maha Kaliamman shrine in Ampang, Selangor was demolished, many began to wonder if Pakatan were really any different from Barisan. Hindraf was clearly unhappy and a revolt was underway. Popularity of Pakatan among the Hindus was going south until the Pakatan-led Selangor government clarified that the local council had gone against state directive and suspended the person whom allegedly ordered the demolition.

I am less sympathetic to the shrine issue than the Pakatan state government. The fact that the shrine was built in a forest reserve only pushes me away from those who share Hindraf’s position. Why, when and how a shrine found itself in a forest reserve has yet to be clearly explained to the public. Without the questions answered, my default position would be demolition.

I could not care less whether the structure was a mosque, a temple, a church or more secular structures like a luxurious bungalow, a forest reserve — or any forest — is a sacred cathedral to me. Any other structures built that has nothing to do with wildlife protection violates the sanctity of the cathedral.

That particular piece of land is a public property appropriated as a nature reserve. To me, converting any part of that land for a shrine’s use is as angering as turning part of Kota Damansara City Forest Park as a burial ground.

I understand that context is important in considering the issue. Selangor state councilor Elizabeth Wong is content that many temples, including Sri Maha Kaliamman, “were forced over the years into this grey zone, and neglected until recently.”[1] In between the lines, maybe she is suggesting that the previous state government might have not been very forthcoming when it comes to providing land for non-Muslim religious purposes. Indeed, a 2002 report published by the US state department states that the Malaysian government “enforces some restrictions on the establishment of non-Muslim places of worship” may strengthen that opinion.[2]

Within that context, I am willing to see the state helps to relocate the shrine to somewhere else to correct the wrongs of past administration.

Baradan Kuppusamy tried to provide a big picture but I do not quite like what I read. In the article of his, he said there is no such thing as enough temples “because a person who builds temples is deemed especially close to and favoured by the gods.”[3]

Mr. Kuppusamy goes on by saying “there exists a strong urge to build and keep building more temples from roadside shrines to large temples wherever Hindus live.”[4]

I have problem with that. That somehow sounds like a ticket to have religion to trump everything else.

The quantity of temples really does not bother me. Rather, I strongly feel that construction of temples, or any religious structure for that matter, should not exploit public space without going through the necessary processes.

Having a temple in public space effectively turns a public space into a private space as its use is very exclusive. It is therefore, at its worst sounds like a land grab. How reasonable is it for anybody to build something on a piece of public land and then practically claim ownership over the land on behalf of anything, including gods?

Another factor which I am uncomfortable with is the fact that, as Mr. Kuppusamy wrote in the article, poorer Hindus do not go to or prevented from visiting to temples patronized by the richer Hindus. He implicitly makes a conclusion that the existence of the caste system which Hinduism calls for more temples despite the presence of “many larger temples that dot every major town in the country.”[5] My conclusion would definitely take a different path and call for abolition of the caste system. Yet, nobody is being forced to participate in the caste system and coercion cannot be used to abolish the discriminatory system. Yet, while the Hindus are free to practice Hinduism, the practice of their religion should not affect others’ right.

I am in the opinion that religious institutions should be treated no differently from any organization. If anybody wants to utilize public space especially on permanent or long term basis, the necessary approval must be obtained so that others’ right over the use of public space is preserved. The opinion and agreement of most stakeholders of the public space is important to legitimize the privatization of the public space. Any action which effectively turns a public space into private area without consultation from other stakeholders amount to stealing from the public, be the motive is commercial or religious.

The approval processes of course need to be fair and transparent; discrimination based on religion is a no-no. The slowness or reluctance of the authority to grant approval to the construction of places of worships belonging to religions other than Islam definitely needs to be tackled to address the issue.

Before I end, I want to stress this: this is not as much as a religious issue with me as much as a matter concerning property right. The fact that that particular piece of land is a nature preserve makes me care more about it.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — [On the Sri Maha Kaliamman shrine. Elizabeth Wong. September 30 2008]

[2] — [Malaysia. International Religious Freedom Report 2002. October 7 2002]

[3] — [Tempers rage over Hindu temples issue. Baradan Kuppusamy. The Star. September 30 2008]

[4] — Ibid

[5] — Ibid

Categories
Politics & government

[1782] Of clowns and doomsayers

Were we in a crisis? Were race relations as bad as the Prime Minister had implied? Did the specter of May 13 loom just beyond the horizon?

I find myself at the top of a hill and ahead I see only green fields as far as the eyes could see. The sky is blue and the breeze is soft. There wais s no wolf and the sheep are safely grazing.

Yet, behind me there is a commotion of the grandest scale. On their soapboxes, the doomsayers preached of an impending disaster that may tear down the towers which we have built. Amid the sordid apocalyptic tales, the doomsayers offered a panacea so conveniently held in their possession. Only they could save us all from the Leviathan.

“To me, to me, rally to me”, they shouted so rude and loudly. The future, according to them, would be haplessly bleak. Dare I ask why?

There beyond is an open plain and an open sky for all. Never was a day tailored so perfectly for victory and there is no better day than today to reach for the sky. It’s perfect and if we miss it now, the next time this moment comes again, we will be laying on our beds waiting for the end to our miserably lives. As the inevitability of death comes upon us, we will look back and wonder why we did not take the leap.

That will not be my fate. My fear of that worthless fate is greater than the stories spewed by the doomsayers. I fear not of the bogeyman outside my window and I fear not the monster under my bed. This is because there are none to fear.

Only fear is holding me — and us — back.

The doomsayers have nothing for us but this illusion of fear. Of disorder. Of death.

The fear, however, is theirs alone and not ours.

They need us to alleviate their fear. They need us to cower in the cold rain so they can live immorally in the warmth.

They want us to bend over and satisfy them. They take pleasure in doing so. We believed them once too many times, holding on to our false prophets’ promises.

No more. No more. Enough seeds of lies have been sowed and enough have been reaped. It is time to till the land, weed out the lies and begin anew for we know they need us and we know we do not need them.

All we need to do is to march forth and leave them behind on their rotten soapboxes half eaten by termites. Leave them be with their foolish blabbering but we shall march forth.

There are only limitless possibilities for us to explore. Or were.

Crisis only hit us when they imposed their crisis on us. Who was it that started shouting, ”Fire!” first?

Why has suddenly trouble in their own camps translated into our trouble?

How did the problematic internal relationship between parties within the Barisan Nasional translate into our problem?

The fate of the Barisan Nasional and the fate of Malaysia should never be the same. The fate of Malaysia must be independent of any political party, be it the Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Rakyat or any other. The fate of the country is far too important to be tied to a political party. For this reason alone, it is crucial to weed out any political party that embeds itself into the state.

Any conflation between the two fates requires urgent erasure and correction. Even the blind differentiate the day from night and why should there be a conflation?

There was a moment of cognitive dissonance for me when a mainstream newspaper paraphrased the Prime Minister: “Race relations not at healthy level.”

Dazed, my question was whose relations, really, are at an unhealthy level here?

I find it hard to believe such statements when I have no problems talking to friends of different backgrounds. I look around and I see no opportunity for a spontaneous riot to take place. People are sharing jokes and laughing and even going as far as ignoring the dull political clowns of this huge distasteful circus.

When the Prime Minister has so little credibility left in him, I prefer to trust my own faculties instead, and my faculties tell me that it is not relations between various races in Malaysia which are at stake. On the contrary, it is the relations between race-based parties of the Barisan Nasional instead. This whole fiasco began in the Barisan Nasional and the adverse effects are shaking its very foundations.

The clowns in the circus were too excited and cracked the tall pillars supporting their tent. When the tent threatened to come down, they wanted us to pay for the repair.

But why should we pay for it?

Let the clowns pay from their own pockets. Unable to humor us with their woefully inadequate sick jokes, they switched their profession and assumed the role of doomsayers, trying to impress upon others that their problem was ours too.

Sick and tired of these old clowns and doomsayers, I turned to Facebook to relieve myself from the filthy lies they tell incessantly. There, one of the status updates: it is high time the insecurities of our politicians be decoupled from the security of the country.

I have had enough of clowns and doomsayers. The green plain awaits me. And you too if you care to join me.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

A version of this article was published in The Malaysian Insider.

Categories
Politics & government

[1660] Of a phoenix for UMNO

After a relatively disastrous election result in its history, UMNO is in crisis.  As its members try to rejuvenate the old lady, strong voices from inside of the party calling for the resignation of various party leaders could be heard. In their eagerness to follow through their loud calls, dissatisfied party members are demanding for a more democratic process to be implemented within the party. Regardless whether the calls are based on sincere belief in democracy, the restoration of democracy in UMNO will strengthen the party.

Many have derived many conclusions from the result of the recent general election. The Malaysian blogosphere has been hailed as the instrument which brought UMNO down to earth. A perceived weak Prime Minister has been thrown into the kitchen sink of conclusions along with the mysterious Fourth Floor team. One grand conclusion involves the transformation of a race-conscious Malaysian society into an issue-based one. There are several other factors which are believed to have caused BN’s less than stellar performance but pundits say this and pundits say that and the sink is overflowing. Now, allow me to add another plate into the sink of punditry.

Voters voted the way they did because they were tired of UMNO and BN leaders in general. If I must find a word to describe why it was so, then arrogance is the word and this arrogance evolved from the confidence built in the 2004 general election.  After receiving an overwhelmingly strong mandate in 2004, confidence of the Abdullah administration and its supporters was at an all time high.

In an undemocratic environment which approvals from the top matter more than that of the grassroots, the strong showing of UMNO in 2004 created an atmosphere of invincibility. After all, if undemocratic process prevails in a democratic system, it paints the picture that an undemocratic system is able to produce outcomes endorsed by democratic processes. Somehow, it created an assumption that if the Prime Minister approved a person, so would the grassroots.

As UMNO politicians’ perception of invincibility ballooned, their statements and actions became far removed from concerns of voters. Some of the statements and actions made in response to issues of public concern were so outrageous that the only thing that made it all the more outrageous was how they could say it with a very straight face while real problems raised by voters were dismissed nonchalantly. These politicians had become unaccountable to whom they were supposed to serve.

The situation was ratified on March 8, the day which top-down and organic approaches clashed.  Only after it was too late did many incumbents realize that they were not invincible after all and that the Prime Minister could not save them from the guillotine.

The outcome of March 8 would not possible had happened if a more organic approach was taken by UMNO. With democratic processes in place, the more savvy and capable leaders more presentable to the Malaysian voters would face the general election. As the convention goes in democracy, or at least in meritocracy, the cream would rise up to the top.

Furthermore, those closer to the grassroots would know better the sentiment on the ground than those at the top.  That itself is the reason why organic politics is better than top-down approach.  Undemocratic practices in UMNO however pushed the cream down at the bottom while elevating the unfaltering crust to the top.  The Prime Minister was way too detached from the earth, sitting on his throne in the desolated but lavishly decorated Putrajaya.  He could not see the graffiti drawn around the Central Market or listened to the talks at various kopitiams across the country.

The weakness of top-down approach was compounded by the fact that Malaysian politics is party-centric and party-centric politics is a fertile ground for generalization. When ministers associated with UMNO repeated outrageous statements over and over again, it reflected badly on his party and it gave the Pakatan Rakyat more ammunition against UMNO. As we saw on March 8, the generalization worked: good representatives like Shahrizat Abdul Jalil were voted out along with those with penchant for insulting statements such as, if I may name a name, Zainuddin Maidin.

Restoration of democracy in UMNO will allow better leaders to rise up to replace the old guards. The change of guards will improve the party image and with infusion of more capable blood, old image will wear out to be replaced with more admirable generalization.  The President of UMNO recently wanted the members of UMNO to prove to all Malaysians on how that the party is not arrogant during the 62nd anniversary celebration of the party a number of days earlier.  If he made that call in earnest, he should begin with the reintroduction of organic politics in the party.

Finally, as much as I dislike communal politics, I do not believe that race-based politics has met its maker. After all, the question of race could still be heard easily in public domain. A majority of the Malays is still concerned about Malay privileges. Even during the election, the Pakatan Rakyat’s success has much to do with issues surrounding the Indian community. In Perak and Selangor, the issue of race riddled appointment to high public offices. All in all, I believe it may take another election or two to truly prove that our society has truly transcended communal politics.

Until then, race-based politics will continue to be the hallmark of Malaysia. And if UMNO begins to respect organic wishes, it has an opportunity to tread the path which the Phoenix had treaded.