Tag: welfare

Categories
Economics Society

[2807] Break-up the Bumiputra category into finer details

Race politics dominates Malaysia and our deplorable politics have us Malaysians as Bumiputras, Chinese, Indians and others.

At the center of it all is Malay politics. Yet, public statistics on Malay welfare are imprecise. This is true for household income and expenditure surveys conducted and published by the Department of Statistics. The surveys are the most comprehensive snapshots we have on the welfare of Malaysian households.

It is imprecise because the best we have to describe Malay welfare are not Malay statistics, but Bumiputra statistics.

The way the statistics is presented (or even measured) strengthens the flawed notion that the Bumiputras are Malays. Yet, we know the Bumiputras comprise not just the Malays but also the Orang Aslis in the Peninsula, and the Borneo natives.

Foreigners in particular are guilty of this but more unforgivably, so do the locals. When ethno-nationalist Malays want to back their point with hard data for instance, they would go to the household surveys and cite the Bumiputra figures as proofs, casually suggesting all Bumiputras are Malays with no hesitation as if there is nothing wrong with the statistics.

Our contemporary politics also means the recognition is not merely a pedantic concern. Sarawak parties especially are becoming increasingly important nationally, possibly convincing the federal government to spend more money there.

How can this be relevant? For example, I would like to know change in welfare of those Borneo native households as federal spending increases. It is not enough to claim they would do better because of the spending. We need data and it is certainly not enough with the Bumiputra net cast so widely.

So, as far as the category Bumiputra is concerned, I think it should be broken into its finer components to allow us to see exactly the state of various groups’ welfare.

After all, is it not ironic that for all the centrality of Malay politics, statistics on Malay welfare is not available on its own? We can know the income of the median Chinese and Indian households but we cannot know the median for Malay families. To belabor the point, what we know instead are Bumiputra statistics, which are at best a proxy to the state of the Malays. And we know it is a proxy because we know the Malays make-up the majority within the group. How big a majority? Interesting question, is it not?

And we also know how mean and median behave mathematically. Change in population will change both easily.

I have a lingering suspicion that the Malays are doing better than the reported Bumiputra average/median. My suspicion is based on the fact most Malays live in the Peninsula while the statistics show the Peninsula as a geographic group does better than the Malaysian Borneo (even when certain states such as Kelantan can do worse than Sarawak). The only way to conclusively address the suspicion is to look at the Bumiputra components cleverer than what we have been doing so far.

At the very least, regardless of my suspicion, improvement in reported welfare statistics with the Bumiputra category split into its constitutions can lead to better public debates and better policies. Without the split, we are forever condemned to debate from imprecise premises.

Categories
Economics Politics & government Society

[2487] Religious conservativism and priorities

Words for Malaysian religious conservatives, maybe especially for Hasan Ali and his sympathizers.

In November, Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, an independent Salafist cleric and presidential candidate, was asked by an interviewer how, as president, he would react to a woman wearing a bikini on the beach? ”She would be arrested,” he said.

The Al Nour Party quickly said he was not speaking for it. Agence France-Presse quoted another spokesman for Al Nour, Muhammad Nour, as also dismissing fears raised in the news media that the Salafists might ban alcohol, a staple of Egypt’s tourist hotels. ”Maybe 20,000 out of 80 million Egyptians drink alcohol,” he said. ”Forty million don’t have sanitary water. Do you think that, in Parliament, I’ll busy myself with people who don’t have water, or people who get drunk?” [Thomas Friedman. Political Islam Without Oil. New York Times. January 10 2012]

Categories
Economics

[2406] Better food stamp and the wider context

The Malaysian government may introduce what seems to be a non-tradable food stamp program to combat high food prices. The goal behind it is noble. While that is so, it must be noted there are at least two ways to improve the outcome of the program. Moreover, the issue of high food prices should be assessed more holistically.

First, tradable food stamp will likely improve recipients’ welfare more than mere non-tradable arrangement can. Tradability will widen the recipients’ choice set and give them the opportunity to smooth their consumption. Furthermore, they may not always require subsidized food. Tradable stamps will allow the recipients to exchange the stamp for other items of need or even cash. Such exchange tradable stamps will widen the welfare-improving effect of the program by implicitly covering those who are not explicitly covered by the program. Whatever the price of sale of the stamp, it is will be lower than the face value of the stamp for otherwise, the stamp will be worthless. This essentially means the uncovered purchasers of the stamps will also be subsidized.

Second and perhaps the natural expansion of the first option is a direct cash transfer. From public finance perspective, this is likely to be the most efficient solution within the restrictive goal of enhancing the welfare of specific group of individuals.

Regardless of the costs and benefits of food stamp, high food prices in general is a wider issue. The wider context is important.

One context is the fuel versus food debate. Government policy on biofuel may have inflationary effect on food prices. As reported by Reuters in March 2010, the biofuel policy was supposed to start in June 2011.

The other more pressing context is monopoly of foodstuffs in Malaysia. Exclusive monopoly and quota granted to specific entities on various foodstuffs cause the very problem that the food stamp program aims address.

There are plenty more examples demonstrating contradictory and convoluted government policy.

Perhaps the problem of high food prices is better addressed by undoing unproductive government interventions in the food market. These interventions benefit only specific parties instead of the wider public. Without these interventions and with a little bit of luck, the rationale for food stamps might disappear. More importantly, public welfare can be improved without spending too much public money.