Categories
Economics

[2677] Should we bring development to them?

Europe was uncontested center of the world during the periods leading up to the 20th century. It was the fountainhead of human civilization. Their progress allowed them to become the foremost colonial powers of the world. The British Empire itself was so vast that as the saying goes, the sun never sets on it.

European achievements created significant inequality in the world. It was an inequality between peoples. It was the modern world versus the primitive world. It was the world of steam engines against the bullock carts.

That inequality later introduced one strong justification for European colonialism across the world. It was the white’s man burden: it was the responsibility of the white people to civilize mankind as a whole.

The world has changed since then. Almost all countries belonging to the Western world are now mired in economic turmoil while many countries of formerly colonized peoples are now actively lobbying to become the new center of the world.

But the idea of the colonialist’s burden never truly died long after the age of colonialism. Underneath what appears a racist idea is the assumption that all of us must live in a certain way. All of us must want the convenience of modern life. That convenience ranges from clean running water and stable electricity supply to good education and health services. We must strive for a minimum level of modern standard of living. We want and need development, as the assumption goes.

To put the idea in a less racist connotation, the white’s man burden was really a forced technology transfer that was meant to raise the recipients’ standard of living to one which the givers’ deemed as acceptable. The modern society looks at its primitive counterparts and decides, ”We can improve their welfare if we educate them.”

It is a narrative the group with the significant advantage says to the less well-off one in the style of a father telling his child, ”I know what is best for you.”

The colonial masters are no more but the paternalistic idea of spreading the light, so-to-speak, remains. In modern Malaysia, it comes in the fashion of the center developing the periphery. It is about those in the Klang Valley and other urban areas civilizing those far at the edge of enlightenment.

Development agenda in Malaysia, after all, has mostly been dictated from the seat of power. The many five-year plans over the years are some of the proof on how centrally-driven the Malaysian development process has been.

This is not so much a condemnation of those plans. Clearly many aspects developments require considerable centralization. But that does not negate the paternalism goes along with the developmental dictation.

Consider also the rhetoric surrounding the idea of gratefulness by those in power: all of us should be grateful to the bringer of development. Whether or not the rhetoric is reasonable, it highlights how strong the assumption that we all want and need development is.

But it is hard for the beneficiaries of progress to be grateful when they stand apart from that assumption on development. There are those who do not want development even if it improves their welfare.

Take for instance a hypothetically significantly isolated village in the Malaysian interior far from the smallest of towns. Perhaps a hypothetical Malaysian example does not quite make it. Imagine instead real indigenous communities in the inaccessible interior of Brazil and Papua New Guinea whose lifestyle has not changed by much for over thousands of years.

An earnest development push will see roads snaking into the interior to reach these communities. A tarred road will come. Next, a constant electricity supply. Soon, telephone line and maybe not long after that, the internet if there is no mobile coverage to start with. All of that will bring the community closer to the mainstream modern world and threaten to make the old way of life into something that fits the exhibition requirement of a museum. The mainstream culture can swallow whole most ferociously.

If certain communities refuse progress, should the modern society leave the indigenous society alone? Or should the modern society take up the old white man’s burden as theirs — ours — to carry?

Agreeing to the communities and leaving them largely alone does not seem very humane in the long run. The inequality between the modern society and the isolated communities, which is already big, will widen. That inequality will if it has not yet, disfranchised the communities. They will lose their voice among the noisy and sophisticated modern society. The danger is that when they scream, nobody can hear them.

But to bring in progress to them regardless of their wish is the height of arrogance. It is a very authoritarian idea that outsiders know what is best for those communities and that the outsiders should dictate the course of those communities.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in the Selangor Times on April 12 2013.

Categories
Conflict & disaster Society

[2673] Integration, not expulsion for Sabah

There are several possible consequences that I fear from the ongoing armed conflict in Sabah. One of them is a public wide urge to expel Sulu and Filipino immigrants out of the state.

There is already considerable negative sentiment against the Sulu and Filipino people in Sabah even before the armed men landed to bring trouble in Kampung Tanduo in Lahad Datu. I do sometimes feel the sentiment borders on racism. Rightly or wrongly, they are blamed for many things in the state, ranging from high crime rate and job stealing to the grab of land from the indigenous people. Apart from that, the now postponed Royal Commission of Inquiry on Illegal Immigrants in Sabah highlights how illegal immigrants were granted Malaysian citizenship for political expediency.  For many Sabahans who suspect that that has been the case for a very long time now, the inquiry only confirms their suspicion.

At the same time, there is a clear security threat arising from the armed conflict. There is a question regarding the immigrants’ sympathy since many of them do share the same ethnicity as those who are or were part of the armed group. Add in the Sulu and Philippine claims of Sabah, the consternation among some Malaysians of the immigrants’ loyalty will be easy to understand.

The worst case scenario has the immigrants rebelling against the Malaysian authority in support of the claims.

The two factors — the negative perception and the possible security threat — provide for a possible recipe for the expulsion of the immigrants from Sabah.

I am unsure how widespread the support for such expulsion is and I am happy to read in the mainstream media that there have been calls not to stereotype all immigrants in Sabah, especially those with Sulu ethnicity. Nevertheless, some Malaysians do talk casually about the matter.

Given the number of immigrants in Sabah, and some of them are now legal residents of Sabah now, the policy of mass expulsion is unrealistic and inhumane. It is impractical because it will be a logistical nightmare to expel so many persons.

Besides, mass deportation has been done in the past in Sabah and in other parts of Malaysia but it does not appear to be working. And if it does work contrary to past experience, the mass deportation or expulsion will likely affect the economy of Sabah adversely.

If thousands of individuals are suddenly taken out of the economic equations, something bad ought to happen. The economic growth of the state will surely take a hit. And there is more than economic cost to the policy of expulsion.

There is arguably the more important human cost to it.

Expulsion is inhumane because for better or for worse, these immigrants have been living in Sabah for decades now.

They have built their new lives in Sabah. Their families are here. Their children were born and brought up in Malaysia. These children know Malaysia as home, and not the Philippines.

Expulsion or deportation — call it however you like — would uproot the immigrants from their lives. It would force them to begin anew when there was really no need for that. After all, they migrated to Sabah in search of a better life. They escaped the instability of southern Philippines.

Any person with a hint of humanity in them will think twice about turning those immigrants away or forcing them to return to the very place they ran away from.

In fact, I am of the opinion that expulsion would contribute to the worst case scenario more than the case where the authority would leave the immigrants alone to their lives.

In an environment where immigrants may already suffer from discrimination, the policy of expulsion would create even further discrimination against them as the authority actively tried to catch all illegal immigrants.

Naturalized immigrants would also come under the unwanted spotlight. Really, the only thing that separates legal residents from illegal aliens is identification papers. Imagine having to go through security checkpoints: profiling is inevitable in that case. More often than not, profiling creates anger. It is a pointing finger that always points accusingly and nobody likes to be accused of something, especially if they have nothing to do with the things they are accused of.

So, expulsion — regardless whether they would actually be expelled — could create anger among the immigrant communities against everything Malaysian.

That anger might translate into something more sinister.

The only humane way to address the security fear is to take that high and tough road. That demands that we integrate the immigrants into our society.

With integration, they can feel that they do have ownership of Malaysia, rather than seeing the country as a foreign land that they have no stake in. This may mean the expansion of government services like education, health and security to immigrant communities in Sabah.

Once they feel fully Malaysian, the question of loyalty will be irrelevant.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in the Selangor Times on March 15 2013.

Categories
Society

[2659] Valentine’s secularization

As far as I understand it from my experience living in the United States during my undergraduate years, the Christian right, which is a loose socially conservative religious group, believes that there is a social war going on. It is a war on Christmas.

The war is really about the secularization of Christmas. It is a symbol of a wider conflict between the social conservatives and the liberals.

Putting that aside, an example of the secularization involves greetings associated with Christmas. In place of the phrase ”Merry Christmas”, many liberals are resorting to wishing ”Happy Holidays” instead.

The very phrase ”Happy Holidays” is partly an effort to be inclusive by those who embrace liberal, cosmopolitan values that are inclusive. That is so because Christmas is not only a celebration that takes place in December. There is the Jewish celebration of Hanukkah. There is Thanksgiving at the end of November. Soon after Dec 25, there is the New Year’s Eve. And given the nature of the Muslim calendar, it is very possible that Ramadan can fall around the same time as Christmas.

The point is that non-Christian holidays do and can happen around the same time as Christmas. So, the greeting ”Happy Holidays” sounds inclusive, especially when one wants to be polite but does not know the other person well. This is particularly a relevant point to mass communication when tailored messages can be a little hard to deliver with precision.

The more important point is that the end-of-the-year holidays — at the risk of committing tautology — are the end-of-the-year holidays. Schools end, professionals take their leave and families or friends go to somewhere together if they do not spend it at home. Even non-believers do this.

So, the time that is traditionally celebrated as Christmas holidays becomes the common great holidays for all. For many Christians in America, Christmas is about Christianity. For many non-Christians, Christmas is a secular holiday devoid of any religious connotation. So secular that if the political left had their way, they would have labeled Christmas as a capitalist holiday for all of the shopping sprees that happen all around the world.

Apparently, the secularization of Christmas does not only happen in America. Some years ago, several of my French friends wished ”Merry Christmas” to me. I told one of the friends that I am not a Christian. She replied, ”Neither am I. I am an atheist.”

”Oh. Then Merry Christmas to you too,” I said while smiling at her.

There we were, two non-Christians wishing each other ”Merry Christmas”.

We were just being nice to each other and we had no Christian image of Nativity in our heads.

This is only a data point but it is a proof of secularization of Christmas nevertheless.

Some secularization also happens in Malaysia.

There are nominal Muslims who celebrate the end of Ramadan not because they consider it as a particularly religious day. In fact, a lot of them do not observe strict fasting during the month of Ramadan. Still they celebrate Hari Raya because it is a tradition to do so and because everybody is in their gayest of all moods, dressed in their best bright-colored baju Melayu and baju kurung. It is effectively a nationwide party. It is hard not to get afflicted by the ambience comes to being only in the month of Syawal. Never mind that there are also non-Muslims who celebrate Hari Raya by visiting friends in the days after Syawal 1.

That is the seed of secularisation that to some extent divorces the holiday from its religious significance.

The full separation between those holidays and its religious significance however is unlikely to happen anytime soon as long as religion continues to play an important role in any society.

In Malaysia, religion will continue to be relevant for a long time.

While that is so, there are celebrations that have been fully divorced from their original religious connotation.  One of such celebrations is just around the corner and it is St Valentine’s Day. Despite the name, Valentine’s in its popular conception in Malaysia and in many other places has nothing to do with religion.

The simplest way to ascertain that is to run a survey. Ask any couple out on Valentine’s and see if they have religion in mind. More likely than not. They are likely to have each other in their mind instead. The truth is that Valentine’s of modern times is a very secular romantic celebration of each other.

And secularization has allowed the idea of Valentine’s to come closest it has ever been to becoming universal.

Yet, many conservative Muslims in Malaysia in one way or another believe that Valentine’s is about Christianity. Like the Christian right which suffers from make-believe assault and siege mentality, the Malaysian Muslim conservatives suffer from the same delusion. In their mind, this is yet another conspiracy against them.

But it is not.

It is an evolution within society. Society takes what it thinks good from within it. Through secularization, society makes whatever that was confined within a restrictive four-wall more universal so that all can benefit from it.

So, to take Valentine’s as celebrated today within a religious context and then to oppose it is truly to miss the point of it all.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in the Selangor Times on February 8 2013.

Categories
ASEAN Economics Liberty

[2651] Something is missing from the Asean integration

I have set a goal for myself. I want to travel more throughout Southeast Asia to learn about the region that I call home. So far, I have been to five Southeast Asian countries, including Malaysia.  I have travelled across Cambodia and Indonesia for roughly a month in total last year alone. Part of the reason why I do want to see more of Southeast Asia is because I believe in the importance of closer integration across the region. I want to know more about it before the actual integration begins.

At heart, I am an internationalist in the sense that I believe in free trade across countries. True global free trade is hard if not impossible to achieve, however. There are just too many competing interests for a true global agreement to come to being. The Doha Round, which aimed at reducing trade barriers across the world, has been going on for years now without much progress to show. Even if by some miracle there will be a global accord, the result will be a bastardized version of free trade, with a horn in the forehead.

With the global ideal stuck, many are left to the less than ideal bilateral free trade arrangement, or a regional one. I see the Southeast Asian grouping Asean as the second-best option which is realistic to a truly global trade accord that is now a phantasm.

With more than 500 million persons living across the region, the opportunity for economic growth and more is massive that no one country in Southeast Asia can achieve alone.

The integration is already underway and 2015 is set to be the year when the Asean Economic Community (AEC) will come into being, where the whole of Asean will be a single market. Each Asean member will effectively maintain an equal free trade agreement with one another. Such closer economic integration will inevitably will closer relationship between individuals across countries. One hopes the closer integration creates more goodwill than conflict.

Things do not look too good on the ground however and so, on that front Southeast Asia is probably off to not so great a start.

The challenge is when a majority in one society thinks the others are their inferiors. In Malaysia, many look down on Indonesians as most Indonesians in Malaysia are mostly low-skilled workers. The association by profession has been generalized to include all Indonesians everywhere. Burmese refugees suffer no less. Meanwhile in the Land Below the Wind, it is not uncommon for Sabahans to hold overtly racist views against Filipino who reside in the state illegally.

It is not just Malaysia and it is not just about a sense of superiority. The Thais and Cambodians have issues between them. Between them are hundreds of years of history. Some Cambodians, as I learned during my travels in Cambodia, distrust Vietnamese.

There is no silver bullet to the problem and it will take years to overcome the ill-will of ancient and modern origins. Nevertheless, equality of rights will have a role to play in creating a more harmonious and an integrated Southeast Asia. When everybody is granted equal rights and it is actually enforced where even foreign low-skilled workers are not discriminated against by domestic laws, then perhaps we can start to respect each other regardless of national origin.

Here is where the Asean Charter and the Asean Human Rights Declaration come to play. Yet, these two documents are crafted to disappoint. They are only paper tigers.

The Asean Charter is only important to the diplomats who drafted it. Its ratification was a process of rubber stamping, driven from the top down and appears to have no effect on the life of ordinary persons so far. It is so far detached from the ground that citizens of Southeast Asian countries do not feel any kind of ownership towards the Charter the way many do towards the constitution of their own country. After all, there was no referendum and the citizens themselves were not involved in the process.

As with the Asean Human Rights Declaration, too many Southeast Asian governments violate some of the typical fundamental rights so blatantly. The latest happened in Laos where an activist, Sombath Somphone, has been missing for about a month. His abduction was recorded by a CCTV. He was arrested by the police and has yet to be heard from since.  The Laotian government is widely suspected to be involved in the abduction, especially given his strong opposition to the construction of a dam in the northern part of Laos, which is backed by the government.

Despite the Human Rights Declaration celebrated by Asean diplomats, Asean governments have not even voiced their concern of the potential violation. It is the policy of non-interference that matters and that probably shows how useful the Declaration is at securing human rights in Asean.

So, we do not have an egalitarian mechanism to help with harmonious people-to-people integration.

Well, we do have a flawed one. Instead of a proper political structure to help with the integration, we have cultural shows with the accusation of culture-stealing to follow.

How sad.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in the Selangor Times on January 18 2013.

Categories
Economics

[2647] Sometimes, some inequality does not matter much

Wealth inequality does worry a lot of people. Malaysia’s Gini coefficient has been bandied around as a proof that something must be done to address the inequality that we see in the country. ”We are the 99%” is the favorite rhetoric to pound in the message that wealth inequality is a problem.

Yet not all kinds of wealth inequality deserve the indiscriminate worry that it receives. What defines inequality as an issue of importance is its cause and causes of inequality are aplenty and diverse.

Some causes may warrant serious attention and more importantly, action. A particularly worrisome kind of equality is the one caused by monopoly of power. Such power tends to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few at the expense of the rest. The monopolistic few can become so powerful that they begin to amass further wealth through unfair means to create an excessively unequal society not merely in terms of wealth, but also in terms of rights.

But wealth inequality can also be caused by factors that we should inculcate in our society. Those factors are so desirable that we should tolerate inequality caused by them. For instance, some level of inequality is preferable simply because inequality is a symptom of meritocracy. As long as we reward successes, there will be some level of inequality in our society.

In between lies inequality created by benign causes. It is a kind that nobody should go down to the streets shouting their lungs out in protest in the name of the people, whoever the people really are. In fact, so benign is the inequality that it should be discounted from any serious informed discourse on inequality.

One of these kinds of inequality is caused by demographics. Or probably in clearer language, it is inequality caused by age difference.

When the young enters the labor market, it is only expected they will not earn too much. But as they age and gain more experience, their income will grow and so too will their wealth. In the same line of reasoning, the older generations will likely be wealthier than their younger counterparts, controlling for other factors.

So when we place age profile and wealth side by side, it is reasonable to expect the existence of wealth inequality. Wealth will likely concentrate in the hands of the older generations than in the hands of the younger generation. It is an inequality between the young and the old. It does not explain everything about overall wealth inequality but it does contribute to overall wealth inequality.

This phenomenon is particularly important to a youthful society. In a society where the median age is low, wealth concentrates in the hands of the few members of the older generations. That fits the definition of wealth inequality: few rich old men (and women) and lots of not-so-rich young men (and women).

But as that society grows grayer — when there are fewer youth and more ”˜older persons’ around — wealth will be more well-distributed among members of the society: lots of well-off middle-aged or old men (and women) and few not-so-rich young men (and women). To put it more concisely, as the median age grows older, one expects to see a reduction in inequality.

Coincidentally, Malaysia has a young population. Based on the Department of Statistics’ Population and Housing Census published in 2010, the median age is approximately 26 years old. The median Malaysian just entered the labor market and still developing their career, if they have chosen one to start with. A consideration portion of the population is made up of young adults. One can expect to observe wealth inequality just because the demographics evolve just as such.

For Malaysia, that reduction inequality may happen in a decade or two when a significant fraction of the population enters their middle age and experience considerable income growth.

The Gini coefficient however takes everything into account, regardless of the causes of inequality. Demographic-driven inequality will correct itself sooner or later and there is not much we can do to address the root cause without resorting to population control.

These benign types of inequality should be discounted from a discourse of inequality. If somehow we can correct the Gini coefficient to reflect that, then perhaps the hard numbers would show us that the situation is not as bad as some make it out to be, that it is not really a case of the 99% versus the one percent.

Besides, in many case, it is poverty that mostly matters and not so much wealth inequality. Why would inequality matters when everybody is living comfortably and a few persons live rather lavishly but ultimately of no adverse effect on others? Jealousy is not strong enough a reason for us to ”˜correct’ wealth inequality in the society.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in the Selangor Times on December 28 2012.