Categories
Politics & government

[2450] The Commonwealth, the irrelevant

Yet again, an international organization that does very little beats its chest, declaring its self-proclaimed importance to the world. Its members praise the organization for one thing or another. This is the Commonwealth of Nations and it is having its Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Perth.

The truth is that like many other international organizations out there, the Commonwealth is increasingly irrelevant.

Really, what exactly does the Commonwealth do, apart from hosting the Commonwealth Games every four years? And oh, yes, CHOGM too?

The last time it played any significant role was its campaign against apartheid in South Africa. That was almost two decades ago. All other issues after that demonstrated the inefficacy of the organization. It holds no sway on Pakistan. Australia and New Zealand alone can exert pressure on the problematic Fiji and other small Pacific island-states. Corruption? Lip service. Climate change? It did not matter at Copenhagen. Development? The days of the Colombo Plan is long gone. If it has not yet, then it is definitely close to its expiry date. Individual rights? Human rights? Please do not make me laugh.

So, what will be the biggest topic discussed in the latest CHOGM meeting in Perth, Australia?

Numero uno: the line of succession of the British monarchy. Yes. Of all issues bedeviling the world right now, the Commonwealth’s main concern is the line of succession of the British monarchy.

Oh, it will also discuss how to celebrate the Queen’s diamond jubilee. God save the Queen.

Of course, these issues are perfect for the Commonwealth realm. These are issues of great importance to an irrelevant organization. How much more irrelevant can one get?

Manmohan Singh, the Prime Minister of the biggest democracy in the world, realizes this. He is skipping the CHOGM meeting in Perth, which opens today.

Even the British Prime Minister David Cameron is giving the opening a miss, knowing exactly what and where his priority is at the moment: Europe. This is telling.

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2442] Hypocrisy hampers deficit reduction agenda

If one throws a dart randomly at those pieces of paper pinned on the wall, there is a good chance the dart will land on a handout provision. Those papers are the 2012 Budget.

The Budget, as tabled by the Najib administration, is an election budget. Civil servants, teachers, the police force, the armed forces, pensioners and others will get their share regardless of justifiability.

Meanwhile, the subsidy liberalization program that the Najib administration was so gung-ho about earlier has taken a back seat, half-baked and emitting a stench called hypocrisy. Idris Jala, a man who unproductively exaggerated that Malaysia would go bankrupt if the government expenditure continued to rise, now praises the Budget of goodies.

Such is the loyalty of some men to ideas and principles. The wind blows and the mind changes. There is no principle to stick to because only political convenience matters. Never mind the contradiction and hypocrisy. Voters have a short memory span. Give them money and they will go gaga. It is all about winning elections, not honesty and consistency.

The financial position of the federal government could be in a better shape if the administration had the necessary honesty and consistency instead of bending backwards to accommodate the populism monster.

Without the monster, the fiscal deficit for year 2012 — the Najib administration projects to be 4.7% of nominal gross domestic product (or RM33.8 billion in absolute terms) — could be lowered considerably. It could possibly go down as far as 3.7% of nominal GDP if all the subsidies, one-time cash transfers and other election-related handouts are flushed down the drain.

Admittedly, the drastic reduction will be a shock to the system that none might want to experience amid the present global economic uncertainty.

Yet, in times of uncertainty, it is only prudent to save for rainy days even within political needs. This is doubly true given that regardless what has been said and done about the importance of domestic demand, external demand is still wildly important to the domestic economy.

A number of analysts have already voiced out that the government’s revenue figures are too optimistic for a pessimistic world. That is all the more reason for observers to be conservative with the federal government’s finance.

The fiscal deficit can be brought down still lower even with political considerations in mind. Removing the RM3,000 one-off gift to 4,300 individuals, another RM500 one-off transfer to an expected 3.4 million persons and the KAR1SMA program that will cost RM1.2 billion off the Budget while keeping the bloated subsidy regime intact, the deficit for the year 2012 could stand at 4.4% out of nominal GDP instead of the higher projected 4.7%.

One could argue that these programs are welfare enhancing, hence they deserve to be written into the 2012 Budget. In order to forward that argument however, one has to believe in it first. Honesty is required.

Unfortunately, many of those within the government whom now say these are caring measures are exactly those whom accused these same measures of being irresponsibly populist. This suggests one thing. Their only moral compass involves one question: where did the idea come from?

If it is from across the aisle, it is destructively populist. If it comes from their side, the same measures are caring.

That is not a sincere moral system, for the currency is political convenience. The slogan is ”win the election and forget anything else.”

If honesty were of any value, these programs — regardless of whether they are labeled populist or caring — should have given way to a deficit reduction agenda. With honesty and consistency, the federal government would have a smaller deficit, so that there would be less taxation for all of us in the future.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in The Malaysian Insider on October 10 2011.

Categories
Economics Education Politics & government

[2440] Opposing double deduction for scholarship abroad

The government intends to give corporations double deduction for sponsoring students. While it is great to encourage the private sector to give out scholarships to students so that there are fewer reasons for government to do so, I think the double deduction is a bad idea. There two reasons.

First, I am with the idea that the government is spending too much money on sending undergraduates abroad. When the destination countries are developed countries like United States and the United Kingdom, the scholarship program as a whole will be awfully expensive. If you are to attend the University of Michigan as a government-sponsored student in a typical 4-year undergraduate program for instance, the tuition alone can surpass half a million ringgit, just like that.[1]

Of course, Michigan is not your typical university and there are of course cheaper universities out there in the US but most of those cheaper universities do not bring value to public money when there are better alternatives closer to home. You do not want to pay half a million ringgit to send something to a school like, oh, I don’t know, Ohio State University maybe?

Okay, that is uncalled for but you get my drift. OSU is a good university, only that Michigan is way better, in every single way. Including, thank the heavens, in football too!

I prefer the government to use the money on improving the local tertiary education instead. Money of course can only do so much. There are other factors like freedom on campus (Malaysian public universities seriously lack this) to develop a free inquiry culture but money does matter.

There are exceptions to my opposition to public scholarship to abroad, but these exceptions are so small that even putting them up while drastically reducing the program will free up tons of money for other uses. In the double deduction policy, since awards for places abroad is costlier than local spots, companies have the incentives to send students abroad, at taxpayers’ expense.

Secondly, the double deduction reduces government tax revenue only to do what the government is doing in the first place. It is only fee-shifting or paper-shifting so to speak. It does not matter who spends it because in the end, it will use taxpayer money. If the number of awards—for local and overseas spots—stays the same, then this policy will only increase the cost, explicitly or implicitly, of maintaining the policy, explicitly or implicitly. When the result is the same, why do it convolutedly? Such an accounting trick will add more cost than necessary to the government.

If the government is reducing scholarship award, then the money will flow out anyway before it gets in. It will show lower revenue and lower spending and then, maybe, smaller government. That is only because of that accounting trick. Like all accounting tricks, it is superficial.

At the very least, I think the double deduction should come with a caveat: only for sponsorships at local schools. If anybody wants to send somebody abroad, they should use their own money entirely.

Or otherwise, maybe just reduce corporate and service tax altogether so that this problem with double deduction would not be a problem to start with. That would truly be more substantial than that particular 2012 budget provision.

Or yet another or-case, the government should only give out less than 100% deduction while reducing the number of public scholarship awards to abroad.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
[1] — [Office of the Registrar. Full Term Tuition & Fees. University of Michigan. Accessed October 9 2011]

Categories
Economics Liberty Politics & government

[2434] Is bailout of government preferred to bankruptcy?

Not all bailouts are the same. When a bailout socializes losses but privatizes gains, it can easily be judged through moral lens on top of existing economic reasoning. The interaction between government and the private entities is deplorable exactly because of lemon socialism. I find it harder to make a damning judgment when it is a bailout of government.

Some of the same crucial points applicable in the case of government bailing out private enterprise to me appear to assume lesser weight when it is the government which is being bailed out.

I do not see such bailout as a duty. Duty is too strong a word to describe what I feel but I do experience some grudging willingness to not oppose the bailout. What is troubling for me is that I am struggling to justify that willingness.

Why is a national government any different from a private entity that is too big to fail? Should the bailout in both cases be treated differently?

My initial take is that we individually and collectively do make mistakes sometimes and these mistakes are innocent in the sense that we are unlucky or that we did not know better. This line of reasoning is appealing when the direct stakeholders are the people. The national government, the reasonably democratic one at least, may have made bad decisions on behalf of the people but idea of letting the government fails appears absolutely cruel too me.

Maybe, a second chance is in order and whomever who bail the government out is an angel. What is important is that the government and the people learn their lesson. In some sense, this makes me supportive of the bailout of Indonesian and South Korean governments by the International Monetary Fund. These bailouts impressed upon the governments and its society the lessons of failure. These countries eventually experienced improved overall outcome, not just in terms of government finance and its economy, but it restructured the countries’ politics for the better, especially Indonesia.

Yet, wide suffering of the people cannot be the factor differentiating bailout of government from lemon socialism. In the case of too big to fail that plays a huge part in lemon socialism we have seen in recent years, the absence of bailout can adversely affect the lives of so many individuals indirectly. If lemon socialism is to remain despicable, then regardless of directedness of the stake holding, the suffering factor does not provide a clean cut. The eventual result is suffering in times of crisis however one looks at it.

The magnitude of suffering could partly be the answer, but I find it hard to make objective decision with such a subjective qualifier.

Suffering could be a necessary condition regardless of magnitude, but it alone cannot qualify as a sufficient condition. Somehow, suffering is merely a side issue irrelevant to the consideration of acceptability of bailout.

And there are a lot of sufferings in the world. Some of it is a case of accident and those are most unfortunate. Others are just, in the sense that you reap what you sow. That has to be differentiated. But I do not see how this is helpful in differentiating actions of the two bailouts. In lemon socialism, bad luck and consciously risky action gone bad can affect different people but at the same time. In many times, separating the two in a bailout is extremely hard if not impossible. Observe the bailout of corporations in the US where executive received bonus out of bailout funds aimed at aiding “Main Street”. In that case, one saves the innocents by saving the guilty.

So, I am forced to address the issue from another angle.

What if a government defaults? More than default, a government goes bankrupt. A lot of sovereign national governments have defaulted its financial obligations before but what if a government goes bankrupt?

If creditors assume control of the government, then this may make a bailout appear favorable. If the democratic way of life is cherished, the government would become undemocratic, being firstly answerable to the creditors rather than the citizens. This is probably the most extreme case where the government is effectively colonized because it will have to be put under receivership or the creditors. This is probably the most anti-democratic possibility under national bankruptcy. It is possibly anathema to libety as well, assuming national sovereignty is directly derived from individual sovereignty.

Due to its anti-democratic ending, maybe a bailout is favorable. Still, the recipient of the bailout itself will be beholden to its rescuer. Perhaps, a bailout is only a nicer of collar. The Asian bailouts by the IMF were not pretty, although the alternative was uglier.

(By the way, this is not applicable to Greece and Germany. Germany and others within the Eurozone have to bail Greece and others because they want to defend the Euro. That essentially changes the question from bailout of national government to the favorability of maintaining the euro. Also, the economies are closely-linked that bailing out Greece is the only viable solution, while ignoring moral hazard problem. I am probably thinking the US bailout of Mexico in 1995, or as I mentioned, the IMF Asian bailouts)

But I am in the opinion that such extreme case is unlikely to happen. But what other alternative would prevail in the event of bankruptcy?

It could be something like Germany-like with reparation post-WWI? But the point of bankruptcy is that the national government could not repay the loan. To have the reparation route seems like an abuse by the creditor. But if the route is taken, the “bankruptcy tax” to make up for the default might be a good alternative to a bailout, the problem of seigniorage notwithstanding.

What about the stripping of the government by creditors to claim whatever left as theirs? Would that mean the collapse of government? If the government does collapse and along with the state, would it not be easy to set up a new government and state? Sounds like a good idea and actually strengthens the anti-bailout position. But this would make a mockery of the process. Would the new state be essential a new one or is it really the same state in new clothes? If the new state is actually a new state, then no default in the world would matter because everything can be start anew.

Starting afresh however is outrageous. That is obviously a flawed thinking. It is likely that the market will see the new state as the old state, thus would treat the new state however it treated the old one: demand for high yield is one treatment.

There is a precedent: Argentina in 2002. That ended with merely debt restructuring, and along with grave civil disturbance, capital flight and depressed economy, although most of these were the results of ongoing economic crisis that caused the default in the first place. I said merely because the creditors did not have a hold on the government, the government escaped any retribution from the creditors (despite it suffering economic backlashes) and in fact, the creditors were punished through the debt restructuring. And this actually makes default favorable to me (although it is unclear to me if that default is equivalent to bankruptcy).

This is turning out to be a rambling where I bite more than I can chew.

So what exactly will happen if a national sovereign government, or better, a state goes bankrupt? Does it only mean outrageous yield? Collapse? Effective occupation by creditors?

In the end, whether or not I prefer a bailout to bankruptcy depends on the end results. I am a consequentialist as far as bailout is concerned. But this is unhelpful and goes against my preferred way of deriving an issue from the principle, in the sense of John Rawl’s Veil of Ignorance. What good is it to be able to decide after the fact?

Maybe I am thinking too much from the perspective of the state. I will continue to think more about this. But for now, time to read.

Categories
Liberty Politics & government

[2430] Let us inspect the qualifications first

Prime Minister Najib Razak has just delivered a much awaited speech.[1] It is much awaited because it was hyped up by the media. The speech did contain important announcement of intentions but the first 15 minutes were full of fluff.

The substance came later in the second half of the speech. He said his administration intends to repeal all declarations of emergency still in force. These declarations are frequently cited as anti-liberty and as means to circumvent more rigorous laws. He mentioned that the necessary bills will be sent to the Parliament for consideration.

My first reaction was one of excitement. Yet, questions linger. Will we see the return of local elections? There is no explicit mention of that. There are other questions in my mind that require answers.

With that realization, I take a skeptical position. This skepticism grew as the PM read more of his speech.

The proposed abolition of the Internal Security Act for instance should be a reason for liberals to cheer but two new laws are being proposed to replace the ISA. I fear that this may be merely a renaming exercise, due to the qualifications the PM included in his speech.

Another is the annual renewal of permit for the press. The proposal on the table is to replace that mechanism with a system where a license will only be canceled until it is canceled by the government. Does this mean the government will have the discretionary power to cancel a license just like that? That is not much better than the current setup. I prefer a renewal system where the permit lasts more than 5 years beyond typical election cycle to limit political manipulation by the government, be it one led by Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Rakyat or anybody for that matter. It limits discretionary power. The newly proposed system increases opportunity for discretion. The problem has always been the exercise of discretionary power, not the permit system per se.

These qualifications are important because these qualifications will be the true measure of sincerity of this announcement and of any effort at liberalization.

The Prime Minister and his administration deserve a nod for this liberalization plan but let us inspect the qualifications first before applauding the administration.

And I will believe it, after I see it finally done.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — [Najib Razak. Perutusan Hari Malaysia. Office of the Prime Minister of Malaysia. September 15 2011]