Categories
Economics Liberty Society

[1435] Of it is poverty that matters, not wealth inequality

The issue of wealth redistribution and inequality in wealth can be overly stressed by many in Malaysia. Up goes the Gini coefficient for Malaysia and there goes the alarmists. These alarmists, wealth egalitarians do not quite understand that it is poverty that matters, not wealth inequality.

Individuals are different and different persons follow different paths in their life; that rationalizes the difference in wealth; the difference in wealth is synonymous to difference in outcomes. Egalitarians effectively demand all to achieve the same outcome; the best way to achieve such equality is to force everybody to be the same — uniformity is cherished while difference is scorned upon — or to forcefully redistribute wealth after differences manifest itself in the society. For this, egalitarianism violates liberty. Communism and socialism seek this egalitarianism and in the past, as history has noted, the results were disastrous. Yet, communists and socialists still roam this earth, seemingly ignoring lessons in history.

Despite failure of systems that hold wealth equality close to heart, egalitarianism has been identified by the masses as an idea markedly friendly to the poor while non-egalitarian free market advocates are recognized as the manipulative monsters ever-hostile against the poor. This stereotype is beginning to annoy me especially when egalitarianism is increasingly becoming more about hating the rich than about helping the poor. In 1999, economist Martin Feldstein recognized these people with such thinking as spiteful egalitarians.

Wealth inequality is not necessarily, or usually the problem in a society. There are several factors that contribute to wealth inequality; the sources of inequality must be identified to demonstrate why inequality is not an issue one should be concerned about.

At the very top, those factors can be categorized into two groups: deterministic and non-deterministic factors.

For deterministic factors, for example, it is a case of when one is born into the world. One cannot choose their parents, so to speak. And it is not too rare for one to be born without a limp, or be blind or deaf or endowed with any other unfortunate deformation that later affects one’s ability to wade through this life, which can be beautiful or cruel, at birth. It all comes down to one word: luck. Inequality caused by these factors may justify wealth redistribution under pragmatic terms. I am comfortable to suggest that this inequality is the unfavorable type for it adversely affects opportunities; liberty-conscious affirmative action to overcome inequality caused by deterministic factors is essentially action to create equality in opportunity.

Another cause of inequality is the one determined purely by wit and effort by the human spirit. Inequality arises by this group of factors is a direct consequence of success and failure; of reward and punishment. One of the greatest lessons in economics is that individual responses to incentives. In order to encourage success, reward must be granted to those that succeed while failure is punished; in many instances, lack of reward itself suffices as punishment. For one to be successful, effort is required and for effort to be there, the reward must justify the effort. As long as there are winners and losers; as long as we cherish meritocracy, there will be inequality in outcome. Meritocracy is meaningless amid egalitarianism.

If losers are granted that same reward as granted to the victors in the name of egalitarianism, or for any reason for that matter, the victors would have not the incentive to work to be successful. Equality in outcome, equality in wealth means one gets rewarded regardless of effort, even for no effort at all. If fruits of effort could be plucked without effort, why commit effort at all?

Consider education level; it has been well documented that on average, greater years of education increases income level, given everything else is the same. Consider further two persons of the same gender enjoying the same endowment granted by their parents or some entity but have different attitude or capability to mental prowess. The person (let us call him, or her, E) with the greater mental capability will be able to endure longer years of sitting on in front of desk, in front of a book or a computer, working on theses, enriching his, or her, faculty, compared to another person (person F) whom invests less in education. The end result: E will have greater income that F. In the long run, wealth inequality will exist; what was a scenario wealth equality at the beginning is modified by difference in education which leads to difference in income level and finally, wealth inequality. It is the result of meritocracy.

This pattern could be expanded internationally. Different levels or paths of investment will lead to different levels of income. This differences lead to inequality among countries. Luck does have a role but luck, or in a more respectable term, history, can be overcome with enough will. Where there is a will, there is a way.

For this reason, it is far more helpful to concentrate on fighting poverty rather than dreaming for wealth egalitarianism. To achieve an egalitarian society, it is necessary to slow down growth of all people, waiting for those at the bottom to play catch-up; it brings everybody down instead of raising all boats. More worryingly it is becoming a fad lately among self-proclaimed wealth egalitarians to express clear hostility against the successful in hope of achieving an egalitarian society; they seeks to bring the top down rather than the bottom up.

One need not be spiteful to create a better society. For a better society, poverty fighting is enough; egalitarianism is unhelpful in many cases. We should fight for equality in opportunity, not equality in outcome. If one is really concerned for the poor, one should concentrate on fighting poverty, not on achieving an egalitarian society.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — this entry was first published at Bolehland.

Categories
Liberty

[1434] Of where were you when it happened?

A few days ago:

KUALA LUMPUR: Anyone who takes part in the illegal gathering on Nov 10 at Dataran Merdeka to demand for a “fair and clean” general election will be arrested.

Police will not hesitate to pick up anyone seen in the area where 100,000 people are expected to congregate from 3pm. [‘Stay away or face arrest’. The Star. November 2 2007]

Really? It would be amusing to see how the police plan to arrest 100,000 people on that day.

Somehow, I feel, it is reasonable to expect that Kuala Lumpur could witness a repeat of the tragedy in Myanmar; not as crude but the effect on liberty is all the same.

Anything could happen next Saturday. Whatever happens, when it happens, years down the road, the question that will need answering is this: where were you when it happened?

Categories
Liberty

[1416] Of appeal to the mind, not authority

I used to be impressed of individuals that are able to cite names — some obscure, others well-known — when discussing philosophy. Green with envy, I once tried to widen the scope of my reading in hope to achieve the same ability to refer to great philosophers like Kant, Smith and Ibn Khaldun whenever necessary, hoping to gain the same ability while impressing others. No more do I think as such.

While names are important for the purpose of discussing historical development of various thoughts, names themselves are irrelevant to ideas. One does not, should not, feel compelled to embrace liberty because Adam Smith espoused so. One should not have the impulse to do good because higher beings insist so. One should embrace liberty, or any idea, based on the merit of the idea itself. I am attracted to libertarianism not because of Hayek, or Smith, or Friedman or any other name associated with libertarianism. I accept that the Earth is spherical not because the Greek sages or the Muslim astronomers said so. I accept it because of the proofs that have been presented to me. I accept comparative advantage not because Ricardo said so but for its truth in governing trade.

Frequent reference to great thinkers during philosophical discussions outside of the realm of history of thoughts, of how thoughts developed over time, is nothing but an appeal to authority. It is a fallacy unworthy of those that seek to push the boundaries of ignorance farther away in the retreating darkness. It does not appeal to the mind, the original purpose of philosophy. Thus, I shall awe not at any utterance of another philosophers of old. It may show the person is well-read but it says nothing of his faculty. Of greater value is how one evaluates ideas and proofs on its own merit.

Those that incessantly cite names of great thinkers, respectfully, are missing the point of philosophy, unless rhetorics is the art they wish to pursue instead.

Categories
Activism ASEAN Liberty Photography

[1398] Of vigil for Burma

Some rights reserved. By Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams.

This was from yesterday’s evening vigil for Burma, at the base of the Petronas Twin Towers, which was joined by hundreds.

More at Metblogs KL.

Categories
ASEAN Economics Liberty

[1397] Of the most moral action is to integrate Myanmar into the global economy

What is happening in Myanmar is nothing short of tragedy. Amid outrage, calls for actions against the junta of Myanmar could be loudly heard. Yet, what action is the most moral of all?

The basis for action is simple: conscience calls it. Forceful suppression that leads to death invokes strong emotions. These emotions as well as the ability to differentiate between right and wrong, for many, lead to one goal: halt the killing. Those with stronger inclination demand absolute respect for liberty and restoration of democracy in Myanmar. While the objectives are noble, it does not prescribe how one achieves that goal with intact moral.

There are those that favor wide economic sanction against the country in hope to pressure to junta out of power or at least, into executing meaningful democratic reforms. I am not too warm to that idea; there is little to achieve by isolating an already isolated country. More often than not, such isolation hurts the people while tyrannical regimes continue to hold power, as proven in North Korea, Cuba, Libya, Zimbabwe and no less, in Myanmar. Sanctions reduce the opportunities for the people from lift themselves out of poverty by preventing them from riding on the wave of globalization.

Some have gone farther down the line by calling for direct intervention in Myanmar, just like what happened in Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The moral dilemma of this suggestion, for a libertarian at least, while viewing it through the lens of state sovereignty, is glaring.

Transgression of liberty by itself is enough for a libertarian to act. I however have yet to read a convincing thought specifically forged as a basis of a foreign policy that is capable truly respecting state sovereignty. The reason is, libertarianism is an individual-centric philosophy.

Perhaps, the safest position that appeals to stability for a libertarian is to consider the state as an individual and from that assumption, adhere to non-aggression principal. This translates into non-interference policy. That unfortunately will only justify the stance that ASEAN: relative inaction. Taking a step back, there seems to be conflict of moral: surely, inaction in the face of tyranny is immoral. As an old saying goes, all that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing. Nevertheless, the trade-off between stability and impeccable moral is real.

In contrast, hawkish libertarians will ignore state boundaries to promote individual liberty. They will not grant the state the same rights granted to individuals for a very simple but appealing reasoning: a state is not an individual. In isolated incident where consistency of thoughts is suspended, the clear promotion individual liberty leads to the best of all outcomes imagined by libertarians and others that seek the goal of a liberal and democratic Myanmar. Rarely however does such policy is executed in the public domain by instead it will act as a precedent for future actions. Worse, this rationale will lead to a highly unstable world. Many libertarians that support the war in Iraq subscribe to this view. Various states will constantly be at war, at the slightest violation of individual liberty; there will be no such thing as internal issues and such, this erode the idea of the state.

Through this, I hope I have helped illustrate how morally, executing an action is harder than a simply call for noble action. Despite that, there is a path that stays better than isolation and direct or indirect intervention. That path is active engagement.

The countries that I leverage against the junta are countries with considerable ties with Myanmar. Among these countries are China, India and Russia. Countries with have no tie with Myanmar have little influence over it. Through extrapolation, it is only rationale to project that the more integrated the Myanmar economy is to the global economy, the more leverage the world will have over the government of Myanmar. Through this, Myanmar will have to be sensitive to international opinion, lest Myanmar will lose the huge benefits it enjoys from global trade. The fact that the countries that have significant relationship with Myanmar do not exactly hold sympathy for liberty does not help: these countries have little reason to pressure Myanmar to cease its oppression when those countries themselves suppress individual liberty.

Integration also increases the effectiveness of future threat of sanction. As mentioned earlier, the act of isolating an already isolated country is useless: the marginal benefit of such policy has gone over the peak for Myanmar. Integration and by extension, freer trade between Myanmar and the world will grant Myanmar the benefits of economic globalization. Under reasonable autarky that Myanmar currently is, it has nothing to lose from sanction. Under reasonable open market atmosphere, Myanmar has something to lose from sanction.

More importantly, the people of Myanmar will enjoy the benefits of freer trade and the march towards liberal democracy. Truly, there is greater moral here than further sanction or direct intervention, if one wishes to keep the idea of state sovereignty intact.

For a normative model to be successful, it has to include a working carrot and stick model. Under the current setup, there is no carrot. Integration is the carrot and once the carrot is out, the stick will become effect. Without the carrot, the effect of the stick is reduced, as what is happening at the moment in the largest countries on mainland Southeast Asia.

The conclusion suggests this: for ASEAN to have a greater influence over the government of Myanmar, ASEAN, especially the more prosperous states, need to do more to integrate Myanmar into the regional economy that is AFTA.