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Economics Liberty Politics & government

[2434] Is bailout of government preferred to bankruptcy?

Not all bailouts are the same. When a bailout socializes losses but privatizes gains, it can easily be judged through moral lens on top of existing economic reasoning. The interaction between government and the private entities is deplorable exactly because of lemon socialism. I find it harder to make a damning judgment when it is a bailout of government.

Some of the same crucial points applicable in the case of government bailing out private enterprise to me appear to assume lesser weight when it is the government which is being bailed out.

I do not see such bailout as a duty. Duty is too strong a word to describe what I feel but I do experience some grudging willingness to not oppose the bailout. What is troubling for me is that I am struggling to justify that willingness.

Why is a national government any different from a private entity that is too big to fail? Should the bailout in both cases be treated differently?

My initial take is that we individually and collectively do make mistakes sometimes and these mistakes are innocent in the sense that we are unlucky or that we did not know better. This line of reasoning is appealing when the direct stakeholders are the people. The national government, the reasonably democratic one at least, may have made bad decisions on behalf of the people but idea of letting the government fails appears absolutely cruel too me.

Maybe, a second chance is in order and whomever who bail the government out is an angel. What is important is that the government and the people learn their lesson. In some sense, this makes me supportive of the bailout of Indonesian and South Korean governments by the International Monetary Fund. These bailouts impressed upon the governments and its society the lessons of failure. These countries eventually experienced improved overall outcome, not just in terms of government finance and its economy, but it restructured the countries’ politics for the better, especially Indonesia.

Yet, wide suffering of the people cannot be the factor differentiating bailout of government from lemon socialism. In the case of too big to fail that plays a huge part in lemon socialism we have seen in recent years, the absence of bailout can adversely affect the lives of so many individuals indirectly. If lemon socialism is to remain despicable, then regardless of directedness of the stake holding, the suffering factor does not provide a clean cut. The eventual result is suffering in times of crisis however one looks at it.

The magnitude of suffering could partly be the answer, but I find it hard to make objective decision with such a subjective qualifier.

Suffering could be a necessary condition regardless of magnitude, but it alone cannot qualify as a sufficient condition. Somehow, suffering is merely a side issue irrelevant to the consideration of acceptability of bailout.

And there are a lot of sufferings in the world. Some of it is a case of accident and those are most unfortunate. Others are just, in the sense that you reap what you sow. That has to be differentiated. But I do not see how this is helpful in differentiating actions of the two bailouts. In lemon socialism, bad luck and consciously risky action gone bad can affect different people but at the same time. In many times, separating the two in a bailout is extremely hard if not impossible. Observe the bailout of corporations in the US where executive received bonus out of bailout funds aimed at aiding “Main Street”. In that case, one saves the innocents by saving the guilty.

So, I am forced to address the issue from another angle.

What if a government defaults? More than default, a government goes bankrupt. A lot of sovereign national governments have defaulted its financial obligations before but what if a government goes bankrupt?

If creditors assume control of the government, then this may make a bailout appear favorable. If the democratic way of life is cherished, the government would become undemocratic, being firstly answerable to the creditors rather than the citizens. This is probably the most extreme case where the government is effectively colonized because it will have to be put under receivership or the creditors. This is probably the most anti-democratic possibility under national bankruptcy. It is possibly anathema to libety as well, assuming national sovereignty is directly derived from individual sovereignty.

Due to its anti-democratic ending, maybe a bailout is favorable. Still, the recipient of the bailout itself will be beholden to its rescuer. Perhaps, a bailout is only a nicer of collar. The Asian bailouts by the IMF were not pretty, although the alternative was uglier.

(By the way, this is not applicable to Greece and Germany. Germany and others within the Eurozone have to bail Greece and others because they want to defend the Euro. That essentially changes the question from bailout of national government to the favorability of maintaining the euro. Also, the economies are closely-linked that bailing out Greece is the only viable solution, while ignoring moral hazard problem. I am probably thinking the US bailout of Mexico in 1995, or as I mentioned, the IMF Asian bailouts)

But I am in the opinion that such extreme case is unlikely to happen. But what other alternative would prevail in the event of bankruptcy?

It could be something like Germany-like with reparation post-WWI? But the point of bankruptcy is that the national government could not repay the loan. To have the reparation route seems like an abuse by the creditor. But if the route is taken, the “bankruptcy tax” to make up for the default might be a good alternative to a bailout, the problem of seigniorage notwithstanding.

What about the stripping of the government by creditors to claim whatever left as theirs? Would that mean the collapse of government? If the government does collapse and along with the state, would it not be easy to set up a new government and state? Sounds like a good idea and actually strengthens the anti-bailout position. But this would make a mockery of the process. Would the new state be essential a new one or is it really the same state in new clothes? If the new state is actually a new state, then no default in the world would matter because everything can be start anew.

Starting afresh however is outrageous. That is obviously a flawed thinking. It is likely that the market will see the new state as the old state, thus would treat the new state however it treated the old one: demand for high yield is one treatment.

There is a precedent: Argentina in 2002. That ended with merely debt restructuring, and along with grave civil disturbance, capital flight and depressed economy, although most of these were the results of ongoing economic crisis that caused the default in the first place. I said merely because the creditors did not have a hold on the government, the government escaped any retribution from the creditors (despite it suffering economic backlashes) and in fact, the creditors were punished through the debt restructuring. And this actually makes default favorable to me (although it is unclear to me if that default is equivalent to bankruptcy).

This is turning out to be a rambling where I bite more than I can chew.

So what exactly will happen if a national sovereign government, or better, a state goes bankrupt? Does it only mean outrageous yield? Collapse? Effective occupation by creditors?

In the end, whether or not I prefer a bailout to bankruptcy depends on the end results. I am a consequentialist as far as bailout is concerned. But this is unhelpful and goes against my preferred way of deriving an issue from the principle, in the sense of John Rawl’s Veil of Ignorance. What good is it to be able to decide after the fact?

Maybe I am thinking too much from the perspective of the state. I will continue to think more about this. But for now, time to read.

Categories
Economics

[2431] Two cheers to San Miguel

The sale of Esso Malaysia by ExxonMobil to San Miguel of the Philippines is a done deal. But it was not completed before economic nationalists sounded the alarm. They feared foreigners would seize control of strategic assets within the country while seemingly ignorant of the fact that ExxonMobil is a US-based multinational corporation in the first place.

The more discerning economic nationalists hoped, demanded and appealed to ExxonMobil to sell all of its shares to the locally-based Lembaga Tabung Angkatan Tentera (LTAT).

Luckily, the jockeying was to no avail. Why luckily? Here is a question for consideration: Were these economic nationalists interested in the welfare of Malaysians?

I would say no.

This is a pertinent question given that LTAT already owns Boustead, which in turn operates petrol retailer BHPetrol. To have LTAT controlling Esso Malaysia would likely reduce considerable competitive force within the industry, if there were any to start with. More importantly, it would turn back the clock on any effort at introducing competition in an industry already stifled by government regulation and effective monopoly.

The LTAT path advocated by economic nationalists in Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Rakyat and whoever else would reduce competitive pressure in the area, and it would also exacerbate the already adverse relationship that exists between the government and businesses.

With the government already involved in various industries, what ensures that the government has the interest of actual individual Malaysians in mind instead of the profits of various government-linked companies — or in the latest case of the economic nationalists’ wet dream, the profits of LTAT and its companies?

This is an organization that is already mired in a controversy revolving around opaque military procurement which is closely related to yet another case of conflict of interest. How is it not a conflict of interest when LTAT is the major beneficiary of various military contracts while at the same time being a retirement fund for armed forces of Malaysia? And let us pretend that unlike the experience of Indonesia and Egypt, a military with direct or indirect business interest is an ingredient for the creation of a healthy civilian government.

Real business concerns run mostly on a profit motive. It cannot afford to entertain nationalistic sentiment. If it does entertain nationalism, then it typically seeks to manipulate such sentiment to its own advantage. Proton is one such case: save Proton, buy Malaysia. Or Malaysian Airlines: save MAS, fly Malaysia.

It is not a phenomenon unique to Malaysia of course. In the United States, General Motors and Ford have from time to time brandished their American credentials to American consumers. Many businesses in the past have also employed economic nationalism to justify protectionism in these business favors.

Zooming back to Malaysia, economic nationalism takes the extra step of merging business interest with government interest, thus making the issue of conflict of interest two-fold: government protecting its profits rather the interest of its citizens, and businesses manipulating government powers to advance business interests at the expense of citizens. It is a symbiotic relationship between government and business that turns the very components of a free society into parasites, living on taxpayers’ sweat.

Such perverse incentives cannot be good for the welfare of Malaysians in general.

For these two reasons, the sale of Esso Malaysia to San Miguel should be celebrated.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in The Malaysian Insider on September 18 2011.

Categories
Economics

[2427] Are telcos actually raising prepaid rates?

Consider a tax imposed on a producer in a transaction with its customer. In other words, the producer pays the tax. Does the tax burden fall on the producer exclusively? Or is it shared? Or really, is it a tax on the consumer?

This refers to the controversy regarding the passing of the 6% service tax from telecommunication companies to consumers of prepaid telecommunication services. Telcos have been absorbing the tax previously and now they have decided not to do that anymore. The service tax was supposed to be paid by the consumer anyway. It is a service tax, which is a consumption tax.

What does economics have to say about the passing? What is the welfare effect?

Laypersons might find the answer outrageously shocking: it does not matter who pays what. Whoever the taxpayer, the actual tax burden share between the producer and the consumer is unchanged.

There is a concept in microeconomics called tax incidence. According to it, regardless who pays it, the actual burden depends on elasticity. In layman terms, the most desperate between the producer and the consumer will suffer the larger burden of taxation.

Here is a clearer explanation. While the telcos officially pay for the tax and  if the consumer is insensitive to price change relative to the telcos, the truth is that telcos are passing the tax to the consumer in form of higher prepaid service price. If it is the telcos which are insensitive to price change, then the telcos will actually suffer the larger tax burden.

But there is a problem here, I think.

If the tax is passed to the consumer without change in elasticity, the new rate for prepaid service should be cheaper to account for tax incidence. This assumes that the rate prior to the passing already accounts for the absorption of the service tax, which it should in my opinion. So, RM10, for example, should be able to buy the same amount of minutes before and after the passing.

But if not, if customer will have to pay more for the same minutes after the passing (meaning, the rate for prepaid service remain unchanged after the tax is passed), then it is possible that the telecommunication companies are taking advantage of the situation by actually raising its price stealthily.

That has to be it. Think of it. The tax incidence theory has to hold. The government will receive the same amount of tax but the consumer will have to pay more overall. Somebody is gaining something.

That is right. I am suspecting that the telcos are not only passing the tax (which the passing itself is superficial according the tax incidence concept), they are raising the prepaid rates as well.

Categories
Economics

[2425] I don’t think the second half will be stellar

There is an expectation that the second half of the year will boost the annual GDP growth for Malaysia to make up for the relatively weak first half. That was a reasonable expectation to have in the first half of the year but with only less than four weeks to go before the final quarter of 2011 is here, it is becoming increasingly untenable.

The basis for the optimistic second half expectation has been the planned construction boom as a result from the Najib administration’s Economic Transformation Program. A friend told me that it is to rival the construction boom of the 1990s.

From casual observation, there is a slow start to the boom. If the casual observation proves correct, the boom may yet pick up full steam in the fourth quarter but I doubt the fourth quarter alone will be sufficient to bring respectability to the whole year growth number, at which I define respectability as at least meeting the minimum target of 5% set by the Najib administration.

When the boom actually begins, there will be a question of lag. The economic expansion arising from multiplier effect will be even slower to hasten growth, adding to the issue of lag. Even if the boom had actually begun, the length of the lag is unclear and it is possible that the lag is still ongoing. It is hard to know this conclusively before November, when the actual third quarter result of the Malaysian real GDP will be released.

There are question marks on both domestic and foreign demands. Foreign demand on domestic goods is substantial. It is so substantial that I have made the case that the Malaysian recession and the subsequent recovery has been primarily caused by the global economy before.

The global economy is not doing so well at the moment. If there was a global central planner, then that planner had yet to make up his mind whether to grow or contract the world’s economy. There have been renewed talks of a double dip but truly without projecting the future, I think current statistics are giving confusing signal at the moment. Some statistics are performing worse than before and expectation. Others are doing better.

I myself have done some rudimentary forecasts for the Malaysian real GDP. It ranges from 4.60% to 5.15%. Okay, those are the only two rough forecasts that I have calculated through two slightly different but still simple methods. There is much work to be done to improve the model and I am not very satisfied with it. It does give me a general view nevertheless.

Categories
Economics WDYT

[2423] Is it working? Could it work?

I was reading the Bloomberg Brief just now and I saw this graph.

What do you think best explain the situation above?

  • The bailouts were not big enough (22%, 5 Votes)
  • No bailout will work (65%, 15 Votes)
  • Other answers (13%, 3 Votes)
  • Don't know (0%, 0 Votes)

Total Voters: 23

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If your favorite answer is unavailable as an option above, do share in the comment section.