Categories
Economics

[1921] Of back to the definition of stimulus

Have you ever engaged in animated conversion with friends, debating intently on a point only to find out later how off tangent the discussion had become? How about a time when asked what was the original contention, all involved in the little discussion somehow had trouble answering the question? Well, something like that has happened to the discussions surrounding the stimulus package for Malaysia.

I think I have seen a fair share of suggestions and criticism related to the composition of an economic stimulus. The perception I have is that a majority of them involves the typical tools of macroeconomics: fiscal and monetary policies. Between the two, the debate on fiscal policy is probably the one that takes center stage, as proponents of government spending and tax cuts rattle sabers only to come to a uneasy compromise of having a little bit of both.

While the two giants wage an intellectual war against each other, a notable minority refuse to participate in the age-old debate. Instead, they are convinced that in order to stimulate a faltering economy, we must go beyond fiscal and monetary policies. Almost always in place of traditional policies, they propose long term measures which perhaps nobody could argue against.

How could anybody say no to their suggestions?

It is impossible to say no to them because more often than not, they touch on the need to improve the framework of the economy. This includes improvement of rules and regulations. The enlightened few have cited Nobel Prize laureate Douglass North on emphasizing the need for strong working institutions, which sadly, Malaysia sorely lacks these days if events of recent weeks are anything to go by. Others call for improvement of real income of Malaysians by pushing industries in the country up the value chains. To put a cherry on top of cake of wonderful ideas, CEO of CIMB group Nazir Razak suggested for the country to focus on strategies and not just on fiscal and monetary policies.

These paths beyond fiscal and monetary policies must be taken and that is for sure. The crucial caveat is that they have to be taken regardless of economic situation.

Sure, as the cliché goes, behind every crisis there is an opportunity. It is in times of crisis when it is easiest to stress the importance of these efforts. We saw how the inefficient fuel subsidy regime in Malaysia — as well as in other countries — was finally reformed much to the benefits of the long term health of the economy. Without the energy crisis, such liberal reform would be unlikely and Malaysia would continue to waste good money on artificially supporting the economy rather than investing in things that matter — like in our education, our security, our instititutions — that really build up the economy.

One however does not have to wait for disaster to strike to commit to structural improvements. To commit to those improvements only in times of crisis is to take that cliché too close to heart and miss the entire reason for those structural improvements.

Those structural improvements, be it diversification of export markets, closer integration among ASEAN members state for a European Union-style entity, revision of the New Economic Policy, strengthening of the judiciary, greater investment in human capital by way of having better curriculum and teachers, etc, are developmental in nature.

That is right. These measures beyond the traditional fiscal and monetary policies are meant to develop the countries in the long run. It takes time, almost definitely far longer than it is required to complete a business cycle.

That of course does not mean any of those improvement, if it has not started yet, should be delayed. The point which I want to stress again is that these structural improvements of the economy should take place regardless of business cycle. Because it is developmental in nature, it almost by definition takes the noble long term view.

I am reluctant to quote Keynes mostly because I abhor half-baked Keynesianism practiced in far too many places at the moment by newly self-discovered Keynesians, which is worse than Keynesians calling for proper Keynesian counter-cyclical policy. Nevertheless, his words here at this juncture are most appropriate for rhetorical purpose: ”Long run is a misleading guide to current affairs. In the long run we are all dead.”

Malaysian trade fell by about 30% in January on year-on-year basis. How exactly do these long term proposals immediately deal with immediate fall in external demand?

In the first week of March, Flextronics shared that nearly 1,400 workers of its workers in Shah Alam, Selangor were laid off. How exactly do these long term proposals immediately deal with the immediate increase in unemployment rate or the immediate reduction of disposal income of Malaysians?

Structural improvements do not address these immediate concerns. If a person’s goal is to address immediate concerns, then he or she will face an obvious temporal problem.

That very reason is why most structural improvements of the economy if not all — while it may help in no little way in future crises — does little to address the current crisis.

The idea of a stimulus is to address these immediate concerns. It does not seek to address developmental concerns, which forward looking structural reforms — regardless of philosophies — are meant to do.

Notwithstanding criticism directed at government spending as a stimulating tool that I personally agree with, it at least seeks to solve immediate problems. So too tax cuts except that it seeks to do it in a faster manner while maneuvering away from the weaknesses of government spending. The effect of monetary policy is probably even faster in this age of light speed communication. One announcement by the Governor and everybody from single individuals to large institutions will quickly react to it.

This is why fiscal and monetary policies remain and will remain the thrust of the economic stimulus in Malaysia, or any stimulus for that matter. The pillars of economic stimulus will remain revolve around fiscal and monetary policies, even if they are becoming stale and frustrating.

Hence, the fixation with fiscal and monetary policies is not a symptom of short-termism, as some have begun ridiculing the advocates of government spending, tax cuts and monetary policy. Quite the contrary, the focus on fiscal and monetary policies is about putting one’s feet on the ground and settings eyes on the targets, which many have unfortunately forgotten to do.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on March 9 2009.

Categories
Economics

[1920] Of disappointing stimulus

I am particularly disappointed with equity injection and introduction of more subsidies. In times when we have made strides in reforming the structure of the economy, here we are, undoing the hard fought success. The mention of equity injection reminds me: whatever happened to the RM5 billion given to ValueCap?

The taxes part is too small. The absence of mention of sales taxes is a downer. The way taxes are cut as proposed in the stimulus does not do enough to cut the cost of business. It only addresses the net profit line. Granted, I like that intertemporal tax credit but it is just came out far short than how I would do it. The idea about tax cuts should be about reducing the cost of business.

I was really encouraged upon learning that tax cuts would be included in the stimulus prior to the announcement but perhaps, I should have curbed my enthusiasm and waited for the details. The devil is the in the details and I hate the details.

I am about bordering skepticism and agnosticism about the expansion of size of civil services and GLC in terms of manpower. Granted, this is the best time to get quality people because the private sector is unable to keep talent but I fear that they will take just about everybody where there is little need for more manpower. This is especially true for GLC when their performance is tied to the market.

Bonds:

Convertible and exchangeable bonds will be exempted from mandatory rating requirements. [Full text of Datuk Seri Najib Abdul Razak’s mini-Budget speech. Via The Malaysian Insider. March 10 2009]

That is just looking for trouble. How would one price that bonds? I think, like it or not, people will rate it regardless especially in times of uncertainty. So, I am not entirely banal about this because the market will rate it.

The doubling of levy is another area that increases cost.

Levy on foreign workers will be doubled for all sectors except construction, plantation and for domestic maids. The levy will be paid by the employers and not by the workers;

I do not mind the stopping of issuance of permits to import workers because it seems that we have excess workers at the moment. But doubling the cost is not the way to help business.

The way the levy will be implemented will be of interest. It says the levy will be paid by the employers. I could think of several ways to circumvent that requirement, like paying the workers on staggered basis. You know, like have a longer probation period for the workers just to recoup the levy. I do not know the details but clearly, those who proposed this particular measure need to be mindful of elasticity and the associated incidences of tax. It is these two factors that determine who actually pay the levy, not some fiat. If they did not consider those two factors and the factors actually work against the policy, this particular policy would be looking at stark failure.

Another measure that increases cost:

Procurement of imported items will only be allowed if they cannot be sourced locally or the cost of local products are too high. The Government also encourages the private sector to give priority to local products in their procurement.

Prices and quality should be the only considerations. So, can you say protectionism?

Special mention:

Agricultural projects to be implemented include a 1,000-hectare prawn aquaculture project in Setiu, Terengganu as well as a 200-hectare modern vegetable-farming project in Cameron Highlands.

Look for Malaysian Agrifood Corporation Berhad for that. I think I will reserve further comment on that.

I do have skepticism about that though. I think I will reserve further comment on that and be professional about it.

Finally,

80. We cannot depend on orthodox economic recovery policies. We must be bold in formulating innovative approaches to deal with the crisis. This is a very challenging time for all of us. We must be ready and strong to face the challenges ahead. We must draw upon our past experience to overcome the crisis.

Just who is adopting orthodox economic recovery policies here?

It is freaking Keynesian!

Categories
Activism Environment Photography

[1919] Of returning to Cape Rachado

I was in Malacca to prepare for Raptor Watch 2009.

And I shot this off the cliff at Cape Rachado, Malacca.

Some rights reserved. By Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams

Come and visit Raptor Watch 2009 this March 14 and 15 in Port Dickson and Cape Rachado.[1]

Also, bring your old incandescent bulb on Sunday, March 15. Philips will give you an energy saving light bulb in exchange for that old inefficient bulb of yours, for free!

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — Visit website of Raptor Watch by MNS.

Categories
History & heritage Pop culture Society

[1918] Of remembering We Didn’t Start the Fire

[youtube]pKu2QaytmrM[/youtube]

Categories
Liberty Politics & government Society

[1917] Of revisiting the roles of government and other matters

Friend Ho Yi Jian[1] currently at the National University of Singapore asks several questions pertaining libertarianism. One question asks what many have asked: how small is a small government? The second question is about wealth inequality. Third, is there a way to overcome speculation associated with the operations of free market?

Let us explore the three questions one at a time.

The hardest question is the first. How small — or big — should a small government be?

There is no objective way of measuring the size of government but there are principles. In no way however these principles are universally adopted throughout the schools of libertarianism.

In the famed Monty Python’s The Life of Brian, Judeans were against Roman rule and there were multiple resistance groups. They however just could not agree with each other. In the classic comedy, the Judean People’s Front and the People’s Front of Judea seemed to hate each other more than the Romans though both groups shared a common goal of ridding Judea of Roman presence. The same is applicable for libertarianism.

Different strains of libertarianism have their own idiosyncrasies which one libertarian may disagree with each other. I therefore cannot provide an answer to represent all libertarianisms. But I can present my version of libertarianism and that is green libertarianism. This is the green-blue alliance that is probably currently seen in form of the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom under the exciting David Cameron.

In this kind of libertarianism, the purpose of the state defines the boundary and hence size of the state. The purpose in my libertarianism — with regards to this particular purpose — is uncontroversial in common libertarian circle because it is the universal truth in libertarianism. The first and foremost purpose of the state is the protection of individual negative liberty. This is further enhanced with rights egalitarianism: all are granted the same negative rights as long as the person respects others’ same rights.

As first formally rationalized by Isaiah Berlin, negative liberty is the freedom from interference. This definitely includes protection from coercion and fraud. This freedom is mostly bounded by the non-aggression axiom.

Sidetracking, the non-aggression axiom does not eliminate force as an option. It merely prevents libertarian from initiating force. If coercion was initiated by the other, then by all means pick up your arms and fight. The state motto of New Hampshire describes it all: live free or die.

I would like to think I am a Friedman libertarian to a certain extent. This is mostly because while preferring for a small government which at the very least defined by protection of individual negative rights and non-aggression axiom, the government has a crucial role in education. A liberal society as in libertarian society requires an educated society and education is the sculpture of society. Without education, individuals would not be empowered to take destiny into their hands and that would bring the downfall of a liberal society. Its importance can never be overemphasized in sustaining a liberal society.

While we are at it, allow me to answer Jed Yoong’s question posed much earlier[2] and answer Yi Jian’s second question too.

Before we begin, it is crucial to point out of problematic label liberalism as utilized by Jed. It is problematic because of the inconsistency of her usage of the word, which is probably due to her unfamiliarity with US politics. The title of her entry betrays that fact. She carelessly uses liberalism to describe the free market sort by including me and John Lee[3] as adherents of liberalism in the same line as the US liberals — more accurately the Democrats. This is a misuse of label because in US tradition, the liberals are the social democrats and I am definitely not a social democrat. Admittedly, libertarians in the classical liberalism sense may support the Democrats but that is due to employment of pragmatism and nothing more.

Under the flawed definition, she asked, how egalitarian will your (here, I take it as me. Others can answer that question for themselves; the two other names mentioned were John Lee and Nik Nazmi) NEP-free Malaysia truly be?

A loaded question with flawed assumption is hard to answer. She fails to understand the libertarians are not quite concerned with wealth egalitarianism. Instead, libertarians are firm believers of rights egalitarianism. Libertarians are not supportive of and oppose to any effort at achieving equality of outcome.

This is why libertarians or classical liberals are the great philosophical enemies of communists and socialists.

The question of endowment does disturb me however. Here, my concern is poverty and not wealth inequality.

In my opinion, poverty has greater propensity to create instability than wealth inequality. Proof: supposedly equal communist state always without fail, fail. Less communistic and socialist state and more capitalist countries have proven to outlast communist state, so far. But of course, there is no absolute capitalist state in the world at the moment. What are there are states on a spectrum sitting close to capitalistic end, vis-à-vis the other end in a simple two dimensional spectrum.

Take note of my concern for poverty. I hold that poverty is the problem, not wealth inequality. I also hold that a lot of people accidentally mixed the two concepts together without realizing it because the two concepts are similar on the surface. Below the skin, the difference cannot be missed.

It is that endowment question, or if your will, the question of poverty, that led me to rationalize the need for government’s active role in education. It is education that is capable of breaking the cycle of poverty, the great machine which provides equality of opportunities. Education may also create a more wealth egalitarian society, but only as a side effect, not as an expressed goal.

But if — and that is a damn big if — affirmative action is a must, I prefer it to be inclusive, not exclusive, need-conscious affirmative action.

Coming back to the first question, one final factor in defining the size of government is market failure. While market is the superior form of social technology in its class — and definitely far more superior than socialism — it does suffer weakness and that is market failure. Many libertarians, especially the minarchists of minarchist somehow choose to ignore this but market failure presents both theoretical and practical problems.

It is important to define market failure, lest others misconstrue losses caused by corrections made by the market for bad decisions made by actors as market failure. Bad decisions made by actors are actors’ failure, not market’s. This is applicable to bubble bursting, from tulips, to dot com, to housing. In those cases, the market is merely turning around and saying, hey, you made a mistake and you have to pay for it.

Market failure here is in the line of tragedy of the commons. The problems associated with pollution and harvesting of public goods in situations where there is consistent and systemic divergence of social and private costs called externality, especially negative externality are market failure. In this, the government has a role to narrow wide gap between social and private cost. This can happen through introduction of Pigovian taxes — of special interest is the informal Pigovian Club founded by economist Greg Mankiw — or issuance of permits.

Finally, the third question: speculation is a problem, what can we do about it? Here, he qualifies speculation as over-speculation.

In answering the question, I would like to begin from the top. Is speculation a problem?

The question, much like Jed’s question of egalitarianism, is loaded. I do not accept that speculation is a problem. What I consider as a problem is incomplete information or more accurately, asymmetric information. It is especially so when it is associated with fraud. Does the government have a role to play in that?

Yes. Refer back to the first purpose of government: protection of individual negative rights.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — [Labour Politics, Libertarianism and Business Cycles. Thoughtstreak II.V. March 6 2009]

[2] — [Liberalism In America + Malaysia, 1968 vs 2008 Jed Yoong. January 3 2009]

[3] — John Lee blogs at Infernal Ramblings of a Thoughtless Mind.