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Economics

[1926] Of mini-budget fails to reduce friction and cost of doing business

Despite being a person who is generally skeptical to the idea of economic stimulus, I did hold high hope for the second stimulus package or the mini-budget as it is called. I thought this would be the time when we would finally do things differently. Like a crystal glass thrown into the air only to meet the harsh earth, that hope of mine was crudely shattered into millions of pieces.

As it turned out, it was business as usual. Same old same old.

I had expected for a new way of managing the economy that reduces cost of doing business by reducing frictions in the economy. This expectation did not come out of thin air. There were signs to rationalize it.

The biggest was the courage shown to reform the outdated fuel subsidy regime which was costing the country billions of ringgit in terms of opportunity cost. Meanwhile, as the world economy slugged it out, out came statement from the Prime Minister urging countries not to fall back on protectionism.

Then there is the Deputy Prime Minister who is expected to assume the Prime Ministeship soon. He is eager to break from the past and start anew. He wants to differentiate himself from the current administration. Even if he did not want to change, local political circumstances demand change. To ignore that demand is to court doom for himself and his political party. He simply has not choice but to change if he is to survive.

That requirement for change was what fueled my expectation of continuous reform of the economy. Unfortunately, the mini-budget contained more than a billion ringgit worth of subsidy to undo reforms of the past. Clearly the lesson of shortage caused by price and supply controls not too long ago has been left unheeded.

The highway toll subsidy is another disappointment. I have no doubt that the inconsistent nature of the current administration is why that particular subsidy is included in the stimulus package. The users of the highway are not doubt happy about it but I am positively not because I now find myself subsidizing those users. That is what I call highway robbery.

The story on subsidy does not end there because somewhere in the mini-budget speech is a section on what is called the private finance initiatives. PFI sounds attractive with so-called partnership between public and the private sector but the more I learn about it, the more I think it is a farce.

In truth, it is nothing more than a subsidy re-branded under a different term. It is just a term to sanitize the idea of government subsidizing businesses. Under the program, the government will in essence subsidize projects that would otherwise be unviable without government intervention.

Malaysia has a lot of these government-subsidized businesses. They are unsustainable and driven by motives which rarely survive economic scrutiny. They pretend to be public goods so that there is moral justification for the subsidization. It is these kinds of projects which impose efficiency cost on our economy but they continue to not only exist, but unashamedly flourish in our country.

This is the reason why I generally prefer to not have economic stimulus and let the market does it job. The only stimulus I make exception for is generally the one that reduces friction in the economy, like tax cuts. I prefer Darwinisn to rid us of unsustainable businesses so that in the long run, even if we would be dead, at least we could leave our children with a better world.

Economic downturn — call it whatever you like — is a time for exactly that. It is a time for spring cleaning. What we have seen so far only amounts to merely sweeping dust under the carpet, hoping that the dust would go away to somewhere.

By the time the business cycle is complete, we will look back and lament the missed rare opportunity to improve the structure of the economy while stimulating the economy: the stimulus failed to reduce transactional cost. The cost of doing business caused by friction in the economy is not removed.

There were tax cuts announced in the mini-budget but it fell far short than how I would have done it. The RM3 billion tax cuts were done in a manner than only profitable ventures would enjoy it whereas the ones in trouble are the ones that are making losses. Reduction or elimination of taxes that contributes to transactional cost is able to address that problem but it is nowhere in sight.

If that bad news does not move you, wait till you read this: not only the cost of doing business sees no reduction, it is being pushed up instead!

Indeed, initiatives of the stimulus like absorption of excess labor possibly regardless of business requirement and restriction on foreign labor recruitment increases cost of doing business.

Surely, in times when revenue is stagnating, the absorption of more people into various such organizations adds drag to their overall health. Of particular note are government-linked companies which are expected to recruit more people into its programs of fanciful acronym.

On foreign labor, it is true that the issue requires urgent address but such restriction as proposed in the mini-budget is hardly necessarily. There is a Malay saying that appropriately describes the restriction: it is akin to burning the whole mosquito net merely cause of an annoying mosquito.

What requires attention is not foreign labor per se but the recruiting agents and the system. These foreign labors are brought legally complete with permits into Malaysia through our suspiciously porous system without any guarantee of jobs. It is only after they reach Malaysian shores will they start scouring for jobs.

A proper system should do things the other way round because if there is no job, there would be unemployment problem among these foreigners. This will further exacerbate the problem we are already facing in Malaysia in light of weak external demand that is hurting the export sector rather badly. Jobs must have to be guaranteed first before permits are given out.

Cost is further pushed up by resorting to the always popular protectionist policies. Yes, despite going to the international stage to reaffirm Malaysia’s commitment to not to fall back to protectionism, there are elements of protectionism in the mini-budget.

The restriction of foreign labor itself is a form of protectionism but two paragraphs in the speech by the Finance Minister said it most clearly. One of the two indicates that the ”Government will continue to support the development of domestic industries through Government procurement. The Government has mandated the use of local materials, products or services and give priority to local manufacturers in Government procurement.”

This seems that government spending will be done without taking into account the question of price and quality. If the origin of the vendors and manufacturers is the only point of concern, it is likely that the cost of various projects associated with the massive government spending to increase unnecessarily. The lack of competition is known to do that. If the fiscal deficit is to go higher than projected, this is likely to be the principal cause of that.

But clearly, the fiscal deficit is not an issue of concern to the current administration. In order to be popular, these protectionist and Keynesian measures are required.

While the next administration is desperate to be popular, they should be warned of the pitfalls of populist policies. Quick fixes like these have its consequences. Much like the now controversial highway concessionaires negotiated under the Mahathir administration, it will bite back.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on March 17 2009.

Categories
Economics

[1921] Of back to the definition of stimulus

Have you ever engaged in animated conversion with friends, debating intently on a point only to find out later how off tangent the discussion had become? How about a time when asked what was the original contention, all involved in the little discussion somehow had trouble answering the question? Well, something like that has happened to the discussions surrounding the stimulus package for Malaysia.

I think I have seen a fair share of suggestions and criticism related to the composition of an economic stimulus. The perception I have is that a majority of them involves the typical tools of macroeconomics: fiscal and monetary policies. Between the two, the debate on fiscal policy is probably the one that takes center stage, as proponents of government spending and tax cuts rattle sabers only to come to a uneasy compromise of having a little bit of both.

While the two giants wage an intellectual war against each other, a notable minority refuse to participate in the age-old debate. Instead, they are convinced that in order to stimulate a faltering economy, we must go beyond fiscal and monetary policies. Almost always in place of traditional policies, they propose long term measures which perhaps nobody could argue against.

How could anybody say no to their suggestions?

It is impossible to say no to them because more often than not, they touch on the need to improve the framework of the economy. This includes improvement of rules and regulations. The enlightened few have cited Nobel Prize laureate Douglass North on emphasizing the need for strong working institutions, which sadly, Malaysia sorely lacks these days if events of recent weeks are anything to go by. Others call for improvement of real income of Malaysians by pushing industries in the country up the value chains. To put a cherry on top of cake of wonderful ideas, CEO of CIMB group Nazir Razak suggested for the country to focus on strategies and not just on fiscal and monetary policies.

These paths beyond fiscal and monetary policies must be taken and that is for sure. The crucial caveat is that they have to be taken regardless of economic situation.

Sure, as the cliché goes, behind every crisis there is an opportunity. It is in times of crisis when it is easiest to stress the importance of these efforts. We saw how the inefficient fuel subsidy regime in Malaysia — as well as in other countries — was finally reformed much to the benefits of the long term health of the economy. Without the energy crisis, such liberal reform would be unlikely and Malaysia would continue to waste good money on artificially supporting the economy rather than investing in things that matter — like in our education, our security, our instititutions — that really build up the economy.

One however does not have to wait for disaster to strike to commit to structural improvements. To commit to those improvements only in times of crisis is to take that cliché too close to heart and miss the entire reason for those structural improvements.

Those structural improvements, be it diversification of export markets, closer integration among ASEAN members state for a European Union-style entity, revision of the New Economic Policy, strengthening of the judiciary, greater investment in human capital by way of having better curriculum and teachers, etc, are developmental in nature.

That is right. These measures beyond the traditional fiscal and monetary policies are meant to develop the countries in the long run. It takes time, almost definitely far longer than it is required to complete a business cycle.

That of course does not mean any of those improvement, if it has not started yet, should be delayed. The point which I want to stress again is that these structural improvements of the economy should take place regardless of business cycle. Because it is developmental in nature, it almost by definition takes the noble long term view.

I am reluctant to quote Keynes mostly because I abhor half-baked Keynesianism practiced in far too many places at the moment by newly self-discovered Keynesians, which is worse than Keynesians calling for proper Keynesian counter-cyclical policy. Nevertheless, his words here at this juncture are most appropriate for rhetorical purpose: ”Long run is a misleading guide to current affairs. In the long run we are all dead.”

Malaysian trade fell by about 30% in January on year-on-year basis. How exactly do these long term proposals immediately deal with immediate fall in external demand?

In the first week of March, Flextronics shared that nearly 1,400 workers of its workers in Shah Alam, Selangor were laid off. How exactly do these long term proposals immediately deal with the immediate increase in unemployment rate or the immediate reduction of disposal income of Malaysians?

Structural improvements do not address these immediate concerns. If a person’s goal is to address immediate concerns, then he or she will face an obvious temporal problem.

That very reason is why most structural improvements of the economy if not all — while it may help in no little way in future crises — does little to address the current crisis.

The idea of a stimulus is to address these immediate concerns. It does not seek to address developmental concerns, which forward looking structural reforms — regardless of philosophies — are meant to do.

Notwithstanding criticism directed at government spending as a stimulating tool that I personally agree with, it at least seeks to solve immediate problems. So too tax cuts except that it seeks to do it in a faster manner while maneuvering away from the weaknesses of government spending. The effect of monetary policy is probably even faster in this age of light speed communication. One announcement by the Governor and everybody from single individuals to large institutions will quickly react to it.

This is why fiscal and monetary policies remain and will remain the thrust of the economic stimulus in Malaysia, or any stimulus for that matter. The pillars of economic stimulus will remain revolve around fiscal and monetary policies, even if they are becoming stale and frustrating.

Hence, the fixation with fiscal and monetary policies is not a symptom of short-termism, as some have begun ridiculing the advocates of government spending, tax cuts and monetary policy. Quite the contrary, the focus on fiscal and monetary policies is about putting one’s feet on the ground and settings eyes on the targets, which many have unfortunately forgotten to do.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on March 9 2009.

Categories
Economics

[1909] Of stop the cliché in favor of precise argument

A cliché can be dangerous sometimes. It can be so because behind a cliché is an implicit assumption of generalization which ignores differences that exist between cases. A cliché is especially damaging when it begins to be repeated by a whole lot of people who lack comprehension of the original context which introduced the cliché came into being in the first place. It amplifies an already faulty generalization. This is evident in debates surrounding the second stimulus package expected to be announced this coming March: government spending advocates’ criticism against effectiveness of tax cuts are based too much on clichéd generalization.

A particular criticism that needs response is the assertion that tax cuts do not encourage spending. While there are multiple parallel instances supported by mainstream economic theories to back that up in specific scenarios, recent incarnation of the argument has its origin in the first stimulus package planned by the Bush administration which was subsequently approved by the Congress in February 2008. The central theme of the package was one-time tax rebates.

For the purpose of clarity, tax rebates could be seen as back-dated tax cuts. The US government implemented the program by returning to taxpayers’ part of the taxes they paid in 2007.

Many economists were skeptical of the effectiveness of the one-time tax rebates because of the works of at least four prominent individuals working separately — John Maynard Keynes, Irving Fisher, Franco Modigliani and Milton Friedman. Modigliani and Friedman were Nobel laureates. There is no doubt that if the Nobel Prize in Economics were introduced earlier when Keynes and Fisher were alive, they too would have won the Prize.

While Keynes and Fisher set the foundation of the debate, Modigliani and Friedman placed the keystone. Modigliani and Friedman’s works indicate that consumption, savings and everything in between depend on long term patterns. Friedman through his permanent-income hypothesis especially proposed that those items are really dependent on future income, or in his own phrase, permanent-income.

The implication of the hypothesis is clear: temporary changes to income do little to affect current consumer behavior.

Months after the passing of the stimulus package as proposed by the Bush administration, US taxpayers finally received their tax rebates. Soon, data were in and consensus forged. The result was mostly in the negative and yet another blow to the already battered Bush administration.

The stimulus — though it did raise consumption by a tiny bit — largely failed to stimulate the US economy. What mostly happened was that the recipients of the rebates either saved the extra money or used it to finance their debts. It did not create enough additional demand to keep the economy going. It did not stop an economic avalanche of historic proportions from happening.

The same conclusion was arrived previously, as examples, in 1964, 1968, 1975 and 2001 in the US when temporary changes to the US tax rates were introduced only to fail to affect the economy. In Malaysia itself, the same conclusion could probably be reached with respect to the one-time fuel rebates dispensed in June 2008 though the objective of the rebates is hardly to stimulate the economy. Alas, I am unaware of any local study into that matter.

Yet, somehow, policymakers never learned from these episodes of natural experiments. Worse, not only did far too many individuals fail to learn from the past, many others outrageously reached at the wrong conclusion.

Many are already passing judgment that tax cuts as a whole do not work, citing the failed 2008 Bush’s tax cuts as proof. This has become the cliché argument against suggestion for tax cuts to be included in the second stimulus for Malaysian economy in March 2009.

During the course of the debate, the so-called experts in various banks and think tanks in the media have begun parroting the line, without making reference to the 2008 episode. The loss of reference — removal of the key phrase ‘one-time tax rebates’ — slowly generalizes the debate in the mind of the public, especially in the mind of those without basic economic training. With that crucial qualification gone, it further encourages the generalization that tax cuts do not work.

Far from correct however, the cliché disastrously missed the point. The lesson from 2008 is the lesson of Friedman’s permanent-income hypothesis. Temporary tax cuts do not affect current consumption. Instead, permanent or sufficiently persistent changes to the tax rates do.

The differences between temporary and permanent changes are not the only victim of the clichéd generalization made against tax cuts as part of a larger debate on government spending and tax cuts as part of effort to stimulate the local economy. Another generalization is that all tax cuts are the same, be it on personal income tax, corporate income tax, sales tax and tariff, among others.

Apart from the effectiveness of tax cuts, the size of tax cuts is also questioned given that taxpayer base in Malaysia is small. A person said to me, “even if tax cuts are effective, it will not make a dent here.”

Yet another supposedly heavy punch directed as proponents of tax cuts is that tax cuts mean nothing to loss making companies. Companies do not pay tax if they make losses.

The two arguments, while directed to tax cuts as a whole, are only relevant to personal income and to some extent corporate taxes only. Somehow, the size of sales and service taxes and its contribution to transactional cost are conveniently forgotten.

What has been ignored is that tax cuts on transactional taxes reduce procurement cost for companies and increases revenue for others, depending on elasticity of supply and demand. By cutting these taxes, the government could help companies to stop bleeding, retain their employees and directly on the macro level slow down the rising unemployment rate.

The bottom line is that differences do matter. Therefore, it is imperative to notice the differences between temporary and permanent changes as well as the existence of different kinds of taxes while not falling into the trap of generalization. Tiresome clichés propagated by parrots meanwhile need to be disposed of in favor of more precise arguments conscious of the context we are in.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on February 23 2009.

Categories
Economics

[1884] Of tax cut as backbone for the second fiscal stimulus

The train is on the move and the second fiscal stimulus package seems imminent even as the federal government scrambles with great difficulty to spend RM7 billion as promised in the first stimulus package announced back in November 2008. While that is so, press reports suggest that the general outline of the second stimulus has yet to be written. This is perhaps evident through the solicitation of the Finance Minister for stimulus idea from the public. If indeed that is so, then this is a good time to demonstrate why tax cut is a better solution than government spending within the context of the second stimulus.

If the purpose of an economic stimulus is to reduce the sufferings associated with economic downturn, then the stimulus package has to fulfill at least two criteria.

First, the lag between the administration, the execution and the effect of the stimulus has to be short. This is to ensure that the stimulus comes at the times when it is most needed. That period is when the economy is deep in crisis and not when it is already nearing reasonable level of recovery. Any later, a stimulus will become useless.

Secondly, it has to be widely distributed to among the participants of the local economy. A restricted distribution of stimulus will be meaningless in terms of alleviating the sufferings of individuals adversely affected by the downturn. While theoretically the economy could show sign of recovery even with a restricted distribution, it may do little in improving, for instance, the unemployment rate. The previous RM5 billion injection by the government through its various arms into ValueCap — a fund management company active in the equity market — is a case in point where a stimulus is extraordinarily focused. While the massive injection into ValueCap may save the company, the injection does nothing in improving the real economy.

Government spending is unlikely to achieve both criteria at the same time because there is a trade-off between the two factors as far as government spending is concerned.

For a government spending-based stimulus to act fast, it has to be administered on small items without complex distribution method. Any effort to distribute the spending widely will necessarily bog down the execution of the stimulus. Why?

Designers of the plan will have to know where and on what to spend. This information unfortunately does not come quickly. Any investigation into the subject requires time and an investigation of countrywide magnitude demands reasonable time to complete. It is possible that effort by the Finance Minister to harness the wisdom of the masses is partly to cut short the process of information gathering.

Independent to the quality of information is a question of execution. A widely distributed government spending-based stimulus by definition itself requires considerable number of transactions which transpires various levels in the government as well as the economy. Each transaction itself needless to say consumes time, especially so when transparent processes which include open tenders are applied.

While government spending suffers from the trade-off, tax cut simply does not. Tax cut can be done relatively quicker and more distributed than government spending.

Tax cut especially on transactional taxes on consumer goods like sales tax can be administered quickly because the information required is not a massive as the one required for government spending. The government could announce that tax cuts on sales tax in a matter of weeks if not days. In this age, simple information like that can travel fast and wide.

Secondly, a tax cut, especially on sales tax is more distributed in its effects than any practical government spending. Just imagine how many times a week does any one of us commit a transaction with sales tax appended to it? And then consider how many people do you know pay sales tax? Compare that to how many people do you know that may enjoy the direct effect of government spending on public works?

The reduction of sales tax in particular has the potential of increasing the quantity of goods demanded in the economy by making it prices faced by the buyers cheaper. More so if demand for those goods is elastic.

There are other taxes that could be reduced, like corporate and personal income taxes but that a cut on those will not come as quickly as a cut on sales tax. Regardless, it is possible to do tax rebates on taxes assessed and paid in the previous years in a quick matter. Proof: the government managed to return tax rebates quickly last year in less than a month or two.

Another method is through future tax cut. Future cut on taxes however is likely to be a game of expectation management.

In any case, tax cut on non-transactional taxes on consumer goods must be directed at the lower and middle classes. It has been demonstrated time and again that these groups are the ones most likely to spend instead of save the extra cash that they received. There are ample empirics to eliminate debate on positive economics on this specific issue.

A large tax cut will of course hurt government revenue in times when revenue from petroleum and its by-products may not be as large as projected last year. This therefore will increase the fiscal deficit. Concern for deficit however is immaterial if the alternative is greater government spending. Whether government revenue shrinks or its expenditure grows, the end result is likely the same in terms of direction if not in magnitude.

Besides, while RM7 billion is pale when compared to the size of drop in Malaysian exports seen lately — when exports consists of more than 100% of the Malaysian gross domestic product just months ago — and therefore unlikely to counter the full effect of weakened external demand, the path of government spending essentially has been explored. The first stimulus attacked the demand curve in its first wave. Perhaps it is wise to attack the supply side this time around. When the first and the second stimuli are combined, a more holistic view is taken.

Finally, for Barisan Nasional, tax cut has greater appeal over government spending.

The BN-led federal government has been accused to cronyism with government contracts circulating mostly among BN party members. Even in a system that favors the Malays, the general feeling is that only UMNO members are benefiting from it.

Consider government spending as fiscal stimulus: with its requirement to be executed fast, large spending is likely to bypass many transparent processes, if there is any at all. With an already bad reputation in place, the haste of commissioning various stimulus-conscious projects is likely to encourage the public and even more so for political rivals of BN to question the method of award of the contracts. Suspicion of corruption will be inevitable and that will only solidify the image that BN suffers.

With tax cut, especially on transactional taxes on elastic consumer goods, there is no room for the accusation of cronyism or corruption. A tax cut breaks away from that bad reputation and positions BN as an advocate of a more egalitarian stimulus.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

A version of this article was first published in The Malaysian Insider on January 28 2009.

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[1841] Of Mankiw sounds angry

In response to Krugman calling those which advised the Bush administration as hacks and those appointed to fill up the vacancies in the Obama administration as grown-ups…

Seriously, isn’t it amazing just how impressive the people being named to key positions in the Obama administration seem? Bye-bye hacks and cronies, hello people who actually know what they’re doing. For a bunch of people who were written off as a permanent minority four years ago, the Democrats look remarkably like the natural governing party these days, with a deep bench of talent. [The grownups are coming. The Conscience of a Liberal. November 22 2008]

…Mankiw replies with a hint of rising temperature:

Like Paul, I am impressed by the new economic team. I know best the three economists coming from academia–Larry Summers, Christy Romer, and Austan Goolsbee–and they are all first-rate. They are excellent choices.

But are they really in a different class than those in the previous administration? Based a standard ranking of economists’ academic accomplishments as of October 2008, here is where these three stand (out of more than 18,000 economists), together with the rankings of all the CEA chairmen appointed by President Bush:

11. Larry Summers
21. Greg Mankiw
35. Ben Bernanke
99. Eddie Lazear
132. Glenn Hubbard
249. Harvey Rosen
391. Christy Romer
653. Austan Goolsbee

Judging by this objective criterion, it looks like the two adminstrations are drawing economists from roughly the same talent pool.

Of course, if one defines “grownup” as a person who agrees with Paul Krugman, and “hack” as a person who does not, then one might come to a different conclusion. [Redefining “grownup” and “hack”. Greg Mankiw’s blog. November 27 2008

After reading Professor Mankiw’s post, the press seems to have hyped-up Obama’s economic team. The team comprises of great economists but c’mon. There has always been good and great economists in many different administrations, as shown by Mankiw.