Categories
Economics

[2097] Of first comment on the proposed federal budget by DAP: culture of entitlement

The Democratic Action Party released its proposed 2010 federal budget this week.[1] This is definitely a good move as it brings substance to debate. It gives all of us an opportunity to debate on policies rather than engaging on ultimately empty rhetoric that boils blood.

This is not the first budget proposed by the DAP. The consistency on producing such document thus far deserves commendation and future production should be encouraged to develop policy debate in public sphere. PKR and PAS need to work with DAP or emulate DAP on this front.

Now that the pleasantries have been dispensed off, it is time to get down to business.

While I have yet to read fully the proposal, I disagree with a number of issues. One is the tweaking of contributions to the Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF). Two is the creation of entitlement culture.

For the uninitiated, the EPF is a social security fund providing retirement benefits for its members that, basically, includes all employees employed in Malaysia, making EPF a payroll tax. Employees in Malaysia are required to contribute a certain percentage of their wages into the fund. Employers are also required to contribute some kind of percentage into their employees’ account. Employees will be able to withdraw that money after retirement or at any other point of time before retirement for certain purpose that is not worth going into here.

Early in the section (Section 9.1.3 on page 37), the proposal begins by stating how important savings is, how low-income Malaysians have trouble saving and how unequal wealth distribution in Malaysia is. After stating so, it proposes that employers’ contribution to EPF account of low-income and middle-income workers be increased.

The problem with this relates to a typical argument against such benefits and payroll tax. Employers will compensate whatever required payment on top of direct pay to employeees imposed on them by law by reducing total wages and benefits paid to employees. The idea is that there is only a certain amount of total wages and benefits, which includes the contribution, that employers are willing to pay. Increasing the contribution requirement affects only the composition of total pay, not the pay itself, at present time.

For low-income worker, this is particularly worrying because it reduces their take-home pay. This in turn goes back to the problem of intertemporal choice. While savings is important, it is useless to individuals who are desperately in need of consumption today in the following sense: what is the point of having one million dollar of savings if one cannot use it today to avoid death from hunger?

The example is extreme but it aptly captures the time value of money and intertemporal choices. The time value of money remains material even if death is removed from the equation.

Furthermore, there is enough empirical studies to suggest that low income earners spend large proportion of their income compared to those with higher income. This impresses further on the need to strengthen these workers’ take-home pay given a certain total pay, making their savings less of an issue. I stress, not unimportant, but less of an issue compared to take-home pay.

However, different path is laid out several paragraphs later, with respect to EPF contributions.

As part of its FairWage initiative, DAP proposes to decrease workers’ contribution to EPF for those earning from RM900 to (but not inclusive of) RM1,400 and waive entirely for those earning below RM900. This addresses the concern on take-home pay but notice how it starts to contradict DAP’s point on insufficient savings for retirement of low-waged Malaysians.

As part of its FairWage initiative as well, employers’ contribution is proposed to see reduction to make these workers more employable. This is the right idea but again, this proposal suffers the same contradiction as the first FairWage point.

The third component of the FairWage initiative is a set of entitlements that comes partly in cash transfer and partly transfer from government coffers into the account of certain classes of workers. This perhaps plugs the the gap in saving caused by the two FairWage points but it raises a question of unnecessary complexity.

Notwithstanding the contradiction (it seems to me that there was a war between the left and the right in preparing the proposal; what else can explain the inconsistency? Or is it a case of trying to please everybody?), looking at the FairWage initiative as a whole, the bottom line is really about cash transfer from the government to those who the DAP considered as earning low and medium level income. In the proposal, the DAP states that this is practically an earned income tax credit scheme. It is basically a negative income tax regime where those earning below a certain level of income gets money or tax credit instead of paying tax to the government. In a sense, it is already in place in Malaysia, where, if I am not mistaking the number of I saw on my tax form, the government of Malaysia gives Malaysians tax credit worth RM8,000 for living expenses. I think the proposal by DAP only enhances it.

Whatever it is, the whole design seems overly complicated. Ignoring the normative issue which I will touch later, would it not be easier to not tweak the EPF configuration and just do the transfers instead? Instead of tweaking EPF, the government can, or rather, DAP could, tweak the composition of transfers instead to achieve the same goal sought by the reduction, or in general, changes in contributions to EPF by employees and employers.

That is issue one.

Issue two is the normative aspect of the whole proposal and perhaps, more seriously and more holistically. Without writing too many words, it risks creating a culture of entitlement. The FairWage is just one factor that suggests how entitlement mentality predominates the proposal. RM1,500 is proposed to be given to non-working spouse whose partner earn less than RM3,000 (per month, I assume). This simply robs incentive to work. Individuals are rewarded for not working. This may potentially lower local labor participation rate and eventually, lower output for the economy. To note, low labor participation rate is much worse than low employment rate.

Greater suggestion of creation of entitlement culture is the granting of citizenship bonus labeled as Malaysia Reversed Bonus. That is not the only citizenship bonus. Senior Malaysian Bonus another one. These bonuses are mentioned in other sections which I have yet to read thoroughly.

There is one aspect of the proposal that I like that falls within the section. It is a limit to employers’ contribution for those earning beyond a certain level of income. That decreases cost of doing business and even increases take-home pay of workers.

I will comment on the proposed federal budget by DAP further as I go through it slowly.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — [Democratising Malaysia’s Economy: DAP Alternative National Budget 2010. DAP. 2009]

Categories
Humor

[2096] Of and the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize is…

Obama and committee members of the Nobel Peace Prize can go and take a hike.

I am so appalled by this, that I am filing this under Humor.

Categories
Liberty

[2095] Of in praise of trivial choices

It is easy to dismiss the triviality, for instance, of choosing a pair of high heels out of hundreds as excesses of modern life defined by free market. How does one sympathize with a dilemma of a purchaser who faces a petty option between consuming Coke and Pepsi?

Such inconsequential puzzles seem so shallow for it to be objects of attention at times when there are larger and more pressing issues that the society, or even the world, faces. So shallow and so trivial it seems that to defend it seems only so wrong. Yet, these trivialities continue to receive attention of great many people.

These have been derided as one of the excesses of a free world. There are simply too many choices that those choices divert precious attention from important issues.

Beware, however, of those calling upon such condemnation because it betrays an authoritarian tendency. If the condemnation sees execution, it opens an illiberal path for at the heart of the condemnation is a desire to apply strings to individuals. At its heart, there is distaste for liberty.

Choices, however trivial they might be, are crucial in the maintenance and enhancement of liberty in society. One perhaps may criticize this as overstretching an argument beyond its allowable elasticity. The band would snap before one could secure the point, as one may argue.

Yet, every little thing in life affects the psyche of individuals in society. Through this, the band can go farther than one would think.

In a society of illiberal culture, a majority of individuals born into it and raised by it would suffer from status quo bias, especially so for an isolationist society. Without effort or accident, they will acclimatize to unfree culture, unaware of the shackles that bind them down. They will be unaware of or suffer great difficulties in imagining choices that could exist, because it does not exist. For them, the limited choices they observe are the full imaginable choices.

In a society of liberal culture with full free choices restrained only by physical reality, just as a majority of individuals born into illiberal society, individuals will suffer from status quo bias. Unlike the illiberal society, the bias in a free society is a side with liberty as individuals have access or at least have knowledge of full choices available in their world.

It is here where choices are crucial in the creation and the maintenance of a free society, founded on non-aggression with respect to individual liberty.

Individuals familiar with full — mundane or exceptional, trivial or life-changing — choices due to status quo bias unconsciously impressed upon them by a free society will notice any disappearance of choices from their menu. From the awareness comes questions and from the questions, demands for the return of the disappeared options, if evolution within a free market is not the cause of that disappearance. If the free market is the cause of extinction of a particular option, then it must be that the individuals are willingly causing the extinction. That is a nature of the free market.

If the extinction comes from a diktat of unfree origin, the demands for the return of that particular choice will gather momentum, like an echo to an avalanche. It is so because acclimatization to full choices in itself creates sensitivity to elimination of choices. Free individuals will rise up to banish the diktat into a gutter, where all of things that resent liberty for whatever reason belong and restore the choices into the menu.

Familiarization to these little choices builds up awareness of larger choices. These larger choices are grand choices so well linked and easier related to the idea of freedom: freedom of conscience; freedom of expression; freedom of speech.

Willingness to defend these little choices translates into the willingness to defend these grand choices for executions of these little choices really are expressions of individuals’ personality. Without these freedoms, such little choices cannot exist. Yet, grand choices are so far removed from immediate life that it is hard for individuals on the streets to relate to it. Instead, freedom sees daily exercises through these little choices.

Each exercise of these little choices is another step towards grand choices. These little choices train individuals in making choices and there on, taking responsibility for their own life. The act of assuming that responsibility removes the need for a third party and reduces the possibility of tyranny by claiming their freedom. This collectively creates an environment conducive for the creation and maintenance of a free society. It follows that little trivial shallow choices deserve defense from ridicule.

Ignore those that condemn small little choices as excesses. Chances are, if in their heart is disgust for these small things, then they cannot stomach the exercise of grand choices. They condemn these little choices as excesses because their respect for individual liberty is limited. As soon as they have won the battle, the march from liberalism to tyranny begins.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on October 5 2009.

Categories
Photography Travels

[2094] Of dreaming of blowing wind and sandy beach

I cannot get it out of my mind. In my subconsciousness, I still feel the blowing wind in my face and I still feel the fine grainy sand under my feet.

Some right reserved.

I am still stuck to a time of no worries. Sigh…

This path leads to a beach called Zenith, if I recall correctly.

Categories
ASEAN

[2093] Of a chance to demonstrate Malaysian goodwill

The very silly spat between Malaysia and Indonesia is a huge disappointment for regionalists who dream to repeat the European experiment of closer integration in Southeast Asia. It may be silly but it has dire ramifications to regionalism in the region. Even if one is not a regionalist but simply a citizen of either country who wishes for his or her own country to take its rightful place in the world, it is in his or her interest to see relationships between both countries blooms. It must flourish for both countries are dependent on each other.

The point on dependency is by no means a mere rhetoric. In 2008, Indonesia was the seventh most important trading partner of Malaysia in terms of total trade. In the same year, Malaysia was among the top five most important trading partners to Indonesia. If hostility hurts trade, clearly both have something to lose from hostility. In times when the world economy is struggling to find its way towards sustained recovery, Malaysia and Indonesia do not have the luxury to let trade between them flounder.

The importance of trade impresses upon the urgency on both sides to find for ways to douse the fire that threatens to burn the ties that bind the two together. Multiple issues ranging from culture, territorial demarcation in eastern Borneo, treatment of Indonesian workers as well as open burning in both countries must be addressed to improve relationship between the two Southeast Asian countries, and more importantly, eventually, people-to-people relations.

Alas, these issues are complex enough that individuals on the street may not be able to appreciate the difficulties faced by both sides. Those complexities demand for both sides to take time in finding solutions that will satisfy all. It cannot be rushed lest it becomes seeds for future discord. Therefore, the same issues cannot be relied upon to immediately improve relationship between the two neighbors.

In the short run, both have to rely on something else.

In this sense, the earthquake that devastated Padang and its surrounding in western Sumatra offers Malaysia an opportunity to improve its relationship with Indonesia. To use a jargon, which is regretfully so popular in the circle of management consultancy in Malaysia, this is a quick win.

Malaysia must quickly mobilize its resources to dispense humanitarian aid to victims of the earthquake in Indonesia. In fact, it is imperative for the Jalur Gemilang to be the first national flag to fly alongside the Sang Saka Merah Putih in Padang if Malaysia is to capitalize on the whole episode. The short distance between the two countries further add weight to the importance of Malaysian presence.

Failure to be the first country to reach Padang could only be seen as incompetence of the Malaysian government. Failure to be the first is a failure of Malaysia as a neighbor and a key member of ASEAN. It is most unacceptable, if Malaysia wishes to have better ties with Indonesia.

Not only that, Malaysia must donate generously. The state government of Selangor for one has allocated half a million ringgit towards relief effort in Padang. This action deserves the highest commendation.

One cannot be deluded in thinking that money can buy good relations however, especially at people-to-people level. One also cannot be deluded in thinking that a one-time event like this — if the Malaysian government as well as other Malaysian organizations played an effective role in the relief effort in Padang — can permanently improve relations with Indonesia.

Good long-term relations depend on how issues between the two countries are resolved.

Nevertheless, the disaster is a stepping-stone towards better long-term relations. It is a chance for Malaysia to demonstrate its goodwill to Indonesians and effectively undermine Indonesian jingoists who seek to disrupt Malaysia-Indonesia ties that in effect jeopardizes regionalist agenda for Southeast Asia, though it may not be those nationalists’ intention.

Malaysia has a chance to set everything on the right track here. It is a chance to show that Malaysians care for Indonesians. One would pray for Malaysia to not blow this golden opportunity in diplomacy.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on October 2 2009.