Categories
Photography Travels

[2646] Yogyakarta!

As I wrote earlier, I was in Java for more or less three weeks. After Jakarta, I took the train to Yogyakarta. Indeed, I traveled from Jakarta to Bali mostly by train. The journey to Yogyakarta took about 9 hours. The rain made the journey longer than it should.

I must say, I like Yogya, as the locals call it, very much that I wished I had spent more time there and less time in Jakarta. Jakarta is big and it is good to be there to see what is going on with Indonesia. But the city despite its energy has serious infrastructure issues and its traffic congestion, the macet, is truly legendary. It took me around 5 hours to get to my hotel from the airports, and the distance is not that great. So, if you want to learn some early lessons about Indonesia, Jakarta it is a good place to start. For holiday, skip it.

I like Yogya because it is lively and always full of backpackers. I love that atmosphere and meeting like-minded people from all over the world. Unlike Jakarta, Yogya has a far more relaxed pace. You do not have to worry about cars. If you are to die by a road accident, it is likely to involve horse and carriage instead of roaring steel lions.

Yogya has a special position within the Indonesian republic in terms of history, culture and politics. Unlike most other places throughout Indonesia (remember, this is a republic), Yogya has its own royal house.  It is the way the republic chooses to thank Yogya for its contributions to the Indonesian republic.

So, one of the main attractions in Yogya is the kraton, which is the royal palace. The kraton is manned by various servants. And this is probably one of my favorite photos from the kraton.

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Categories
Photography Travels

[2645] Jakarta!

And so, I was in Jakarta in the middle of December, where I began my backpacking trip across Java for three weeks. From Jakarta, I took an overnight train journey to the cheery Yogyakarta, from there on a night in Indonesia’s second largest city, Surabaya and then a more than 12 hours journey to Bali by train, ferry and bus.

In the Indonesian capital, I had free meals twice. Once was the welcome meal paid by a friend, which was also kind enough to pick me up from the airport and send me to my hotel.

And second was within the green compound of the National Monument for my effort to speak Bahasa Indonesia. The last time this happened, I tried to converse in French in Paris. He guy took pity on me and he gave me a free meal. That of course was not the first…

I am that endearing.

Anyway, the National Monument. This is probably one of several landmarks of Jakarta which are known abroad. Or at least, I know it. It is truly big. There is a museum underneath. Full of nationalistic propaganda but a museum nonetheless.

Some rights reserved. Creative Commons 3.0. Hafiz Noor Shams

This structure is sometimes called Sukarno’s last erection. Jakarta has several big sculptures and monuments. They are magnificent but it took a toll on the economy after awhile. The price you have to pay for grandiosity.

But that was in the 1960s. Indonesia is now an emerging economy (again) and all.

Categories
Books, essays and others Economics Society

[2644] Albert Hirschman, and Exit, Voice and Loyalty

I just learned that Albert Otto Hirschman, the economist who wrote Exit, Voice and Loyalty, died in December 2012 as I was traveling across Java. Perhaps, this is an opportune time to review Exit, Voice and Loyalty which was published in 1970. I read the book some years back.

The idea presented in the book is pretty widely known now. So if one is to read about the book now, one would probably go, ”what is the big deal?” But you see, that idea came from this particular book. It is an influential book. At the very least, Hirschman was the one who formalized the very intuitive idea of dealing with disagreement in an organization.

The New York Times in its obituary of Hirschman told a story of William Safire and Albert Hirschman. William Safire was an amazing writer. I remember enjoying his sometimes hilarious column at The New York Times. Being an expert on language, he wanted to learn the origin of the term “exit strategy.” Safire traced it back to Hirschman.[1]

That is one proof how influential the book is.

Exit, Voice and Loyalty introduces a simple idea. A person in an organization has two options: exit and voice. The organization can be anything. It could be marriage, firm or even a state. It should be noted that the full title of the book is Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations and States.

A member of an organization is a member of an organization because he or she agrees with it to some extent. Depending on how tolerant the member is to the differences, he or she may decide to first voice out against the disagreement in hope to affect the position of the organization. The member does so because he or she cares about the organization.

If the divergence of position becomes too great, the member may decide to leave the organization altogether. The decision to leave may hurt the organization as the organization loses members.

The two options interact with each other. Some members have no opportunity to leave and so they employ the voice option to express their dissatisfaction. For Malaysia, the easiest example may involve Muslims where apostasy is hard if not impossible given all the restrictions imposed. This may explain why some Muslims are very critical of the religion, or at least the one sanctioned by the state in Malaysia. Of course, that is not the only reason for criticism. Many criticize the way Islam is practiced in Malaysia because they care about Islam. There’s loyalty in the religion. To them, leaving is impossible not because they are not allowed to leave, but because leaving is unimaginable.

So, loyalty is the glue that encourages the use of the voice option. Exit option is exercised if the glue fails.

The exit and voice option and its interplay which involves the notion of loyalty is probably best demonstrated in political settings. Application of the idea within political parties is probably the most widely known.

Another application involves immigration. I think I have written something about this as part of my degree requirement in what seems like a long time ago. It is easy to see how robust the model is. How many people have migrated out of Malaysia because they disagree with the prevailing policy?

What is interesting is that when a country has an authoritarian setting when the voice option can be deadly and exit is not really an option for one reason or another. I am unsure if this particular example is presented in the book itself but on Wikipedia:

Exit need not be physical, but can be mental or emotional. For example, under communism, many could not physically exit the country, but did not want to participate in the system either. In these cases, citizens could be said to exit from civic or political participation, as they were neither loyal to the party nor were they willing to voice their dissatisfaction (except for noted times of dissent, e.g., 1956 in Hungary, 1968 in Prague and the Revolutions of 1989) because doing so could lead to imprisonment, exile, or even death. Many thus mentally and emotionally exited their countries for the duration of a repressive regime they did not agree with but felt they could not fight or topple. The consequences of this exit can sometimes provide an explanation for why voter turnout is often low in countries where free elections are being held for the first time in years (or ever). [Exit, Voice and Loyalty. Wikipedia. Accessed on January 11 2013]

This obviously is not a comprehensive review. But what I can say is that it can be an enlightening reading, even if it is a common idea. It is not a thick book but there can multiple pow moments when you would go wow. You should read it as a tribute to a great economist.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
[1] — In 2003, William Safire, the columnist for The New York Times who also wrote the On Language column for The New York Times Magazine, led an informal search for the roots of the phrase ”exit strategy.” The search led to economists, who pointed to Mr. Hirschman, who denied culpability, sort of.

”Did he coin the phrase?” Mr. Safire wrote after interviewing Mr. Hirschman. ”No; it’s nowhere in his book. He used exit option. ”˜It was a somewhat new concept then,’ Hirschman recalls. ”˜I used exit to indicate a possibility, a strategy. When you are dissatisfied, you can use your voice option or your exit option. It is not so different from the political use today. Speak up or get out.’ ” [Nelson Benjamin Albert Hirschman, Optimistic Economist, Dies at 97. The New York Times. December 23 2012]

Categories
Economics

[2643] Price ceiling on foreigners’ purchase will be ineffective at controlling home prices

In the news recently, the state of Johor plans to raise the floor price at which foreigners are allowed to purchase a house. The floor is now set at half a million ringgit. The proposed new floor is RM1 million (The news report in The Star wrote ceiling but if you know your microeconomics, you will know that raising the ceiling instead of the floor does not make sense and in fact, will bring in a very different outcome inconsistent with the overall theme of the article).[1]

The state government wants to control home prices and by raising the floor, the idea is that there will be more homes for locals while foreigners are only allowed the more luxurious home to purchase. More specifically, it is to curb price increase through demand control.

I am unconvinced how this will help, especially if the policy is unaccompanied with supply-related policy. The government does grant home permits but I think that is pretty much given out without much restrictions (Not that I am advocating controls. I am just describing the situation).

The ceiling alone may apply in the short run and only for pre-existing homes. In a slightly longer time frame when new supply of homes are available in the market, the ceiling will be rendered ineffective as market agents adapt to the new rules and regulations. This could be in the time frame of several years and maybe, even less than two. It does not take that long to build homes.

Suppliers of home will adapt to rules and regulations so that their endeavor is a profitable one. It is quite possible that at the current floor, home suppliers are already taking domestic and foreign demand into account.

If you take foreign demand out, these suppliers of home may decide to reduce supply in the appropriate home segment and increase supply in others accordingly so that prices stabilize in the longer time frame.

As I have mentioned, in the short run, it may be effective because home suppliers may have trouble to adjust. It takes time to construct home.

Then again, if the new regulations give suppliers enough time to adapt, i.e. the suppliers are given a grace period, then there will be no short term effect. Suppliers will adapt in time and price trend remains as they are.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
[1] — NUSAJAYA: Johor is looking at raising the present RM500,000 ceiling to RM1mil for foreign house buyers to check the spiralling price of houses. Local Government, Housing, Arts, Culture and Heritage Committee chairman Datuk Ahmad Zahri Jamil said the state Economic Planning Unit (UPEN) was studying ways to tighten the rules on foreign ownership and a decision would be made this year. “If there is going to be an increase, then foreigners will only be able to purchase homes above RM1mil,” he told reporters here. [Nelson Benjamin Johor looking to raise foreign house ownership ceiling to RM1mil. The Star. January 10 2013]

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2642] They should have auctioned it

The state — or in common parlance, the government — is the guardian of public resource. These resources are ones that we own collectively, like petroleum, or of interest in the past few weeks in Malaysia, telecommunication spectrum. It is the responsibility of the government to manage and use the resources efficiently. If it cannot, then there is a case to privatize those resources to those who can.

In privatizing these resources, one would expect the government to raise some money it can use to improve the general welfare of the public. One of the best ways to raise money from such privatization is by auctioning the public resource.

Economists typically love auctions because it is efficient. In everyday English, it means an auction can extract the most benefit out of a transaction for the seller. In an auction that focuses purely on maximizing sale prices, the government will benefit enormously from the outcomes of the auctions.

In the Netherlands recently, the government raised nearly EUR4 billion by auctioning the 4G spectrum to the private sector. Initially, the government had expected to raise half a billion euro only. The large difference came as a pleasant surprise to the government. In time when the Dutch government is tightening their belt as a reaction to the economic crisis that Europe as a whole is facing, the EUR4 billion will help in maintaining the quality of public service in the Netherlands.

If one is concerned whether such privatization and auctioning would create a monopoly, there are types of auction that can address exactly that. Restrictions can be imposed so that nobody can buy everything, or buys too much. While total receipts out of those auctions may suffer, the government will still enjoy considerable revenue out of it that can put to good use.

One example will bring us to the United States in 2008 when the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) conducted a controversial spectrum auction. Restrictions were imposed to prevent telecommunication firms from gaining too much market power. Google, worried that these telecommunication firms would restrict access to various content and applications on the internet, even decided to participate in the auction despite not being a telecommunication firm per se. After all had been said and done, the FCC still raised nearly USD20 billion from that particular auction while addressing the issue of market power.

In contrast in Malaysia, 4G spectrum was transferred from the public domain to private firms for free. There was no sale at all, and much less an auction.

For the public, the privatization is an outright welfare loss. An asset that could have been worth billions of ringgit of public money ended up as being nothing.  There is no new revenue for the government and so, the public cannot benefit from the privatization exercise as much as it should. And this comes at a time when the government recognizes that it needs to broaden its taxpayer base, which is narrow at the moment. So, the privatization will not be popular to discerning taxpayers.

Even libertarians, who would typically support privatization exercise, will find this particular Malaysian privatization as very disappointing.

Despite the fact that the privatization came at the expense of potential revenue for the public, some would no doubt defend the flawed privatization. Several defenses have been presented so far.

One argument suggests that with the free award, the recipients would be able to provide cheaper services with the same level of quality than they otherwise could. This is not a given unfortunately and right now, it is a mere speculation.

The reason is that these recipients can effectively form a cartel. This has happened in the past, even with the new Competition Act is in place. In fact, Maxis and Redtone International, two of the 4G spectrum recipients, are already collaborating in rolling out their 4G network. How far this particular collaboration will go is for all of us to see.

Worse, some could even essentially resell the spectrum to other more serious telecommunication companies instead of utilizing the spectrum for themselves. In doing so, they would realize the economic rent that should belong to the public in the first place. If there was an auction or even just a sale instead earlier, there would have been less opportunity for such rent-seeking activities. An auction especially would have squeezed the incentive for rent-seeking out into public pocket and force firms to try to create new wealth rather than engage in unproductive rent-seeking.

Unfortunately, now that everything is done, we are left with the possibility of collusion in the market and a whole lot of room for rent-seeking activities by private firms at the expense of the public. This is not an ideal market scenario.

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First published in The Sun on December 25 2012.