Categories
Economics

[2125] Of we build buildings to increase our GDP

KULA LUMPUR: Three sites in the city have been identified for the development of iconic structures to spur growth in the economy.

Sources say they are Dataran Perdana in Jalan Davis, the area surrounding Stadium Merdeka and the vicinity of the Matrade Centre in Jalan Duta.

All the plots of land are privately owned. Two belong to government-linked companies — Pelaburan Hartanah Bumiputera Bhd and Permodalan Nasional Bhd (PNB) — while the Naza group owns 25ha in the vicinity of the Matrade Centre.

Economists were recently briefed by the Economic Planning Unit in the Prime Minister’s Department on the implementation of the iconic projects, as part of efforts to boost the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). [100-storey skyscrapers planned for Kuala Lumpur. Vasantha Ganesan. Presenna Nambiar. New Straits Times. December 7 2009]

Urm, yeah, okay…

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — I cannot resist this. What a bull!

We can definitely thank Keynesian thinking for this. Do you want greater aggregate demand? Build away!

Categories
Photography

[2124] Of Australians all let us rejoice…

Some right reserved.

Categories
Economics Environment Politics & government

[2123] Of Abbott’s plan is suspiciously boilerplate-like

Climate change has been very much the heart of Australian politics at the federal level for the past few months. It is the source of intense debate between the Labour government and the Coalition opposition. Within the Liberal Party itself, the proposed cap and trade arrangement has divided the party. Tony Abbott successfully replaced Malcolm Turnbull as the new Liberal leader exactly because of this issue.

The Turnbull fraction is prepared to work with the Rudd government on the cap and trade proposal. Others, perhaps, now called the Abbott fraction, do not. With Turnbull out and Abbott in, the cap and trade proposal has been scuttled in the Australian Senate.

On the front page of The Australian yesterday, Abbott made known a curious position. He accepts the challenges climate change poses and he accepts emission targets that Turnbull agreed to. What he rejects is any introduction of tax, as direct as carbon tax or as indirect as cap and trade scheme. In his own words, “[t]he Coalition will not be going to the election with a new tax, whether it’s a stealth tax, the emissions trading scheme, whether it’s an upfront and straightforward tax like a carbon tax.” In its place, he proposes implementing “land management and energy efficiency measures.”[1]

This is a curious position because I am grappling to see how his plan could achieve the reduction target he agreed to. Land management and efficiency measures sound like a boilerplate idea that lacks substance.

Despite actual inferiority of cap and trade to carbon tax, if done properly, it could be as effective as the simpler carbon tax. Land management and efficiency measures on the other hand will demand maneuver more complex than cap and trade.

In fact, complexity of a scheme makes it more susceptible to higher probability of failure. That happened in Europe with its version of cap and trade. One major feature that is attributable to European failure is the granting of free permits. Free permits arrangement is present in Rudd government’s proposed cap and trade scheme.[2]

Furthermore, Abbott’s measures appear similar to the Bush administration’s proposal of encouraging development of technology to address the need to manage carbon emissions in form of the probably now forgotten Asia-Pacific Partnership for Clean Development and Climate.[3]

Technology is indeed the golden bullet. It can reduce emissions given a unit of activity. Of course, the technology is out there: carbon sequestering, micro mirror in space, the spraying of aerosol in the atmosphere, nuclear power, wind, solar, etc. But which one?

That is the weakness of Bush’s proposal.

Any proposal has to be concrete with implementable actions, Abbott’s measures are mere boilerplate. It lacks substance. It lacks actual implementable measures.

Boilerplate solution is sorely inadequate.

Perhaps it is unfair to criticize Abbott’s measures since it is still early days. After all, he is less than a week old as the new leader of the Liberal Party and as the Opposition Leader. It may be only fair to give him the opportunity to think and present his idea more thoroughly.

Unfortunately, time is running out. This is not a tired old green rhetoric. Election may loom and the Liberals risk further marginalization if there are no concrete alternative solutions, especially since the new Liberal leader accepts the need for action.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — TONY Abbott plans to fight a climate change election using land management and energy efficiency measures to slash greenhouse emissions instead of an emissions trading scheme or a carbon tax.

[…]

Pressed for an alternative, he said the Opposition remained committed to an unconditional target of reducing emissions by 5 per cent by 2020 but would not embrace an ETS or a carbon tax. He said there were “lots of things” that could be done to reduce emissions through other means, many not involving significant costs.

These included more energy-efficient buildings, better land management and biosequestration. NSW Nationals Senator John Williams claimed Australia could offset 100 per cent of its carbon emissions for 100 years by lifting soil carbon by 3 per cent.

Mr Abbott also said he would welcome a debate on the use of nuclear energy, although he did not think it was a short-term option.

“The Coalition will not be going to the election with a new tax, whether it’s a stealth tax, the emissions trading scheme, whether it’s an upfront and straightforward tax like a carbon tax,” he said “We’ll have a strong and effective climate change policy, we’ll have it early in the new year,” he said. [Tony Abbott’s tax-free carbon plan. Matthew Franklin. The Australian. December 3 2009]

[2] — See Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme at Wikipedia. Accessed December 4 2009.

[3] — The world’s four largest coal-consuming countries have announced a pact to share technology for limiting emissions of greenhouse gases. The US, China, India, Australia – plus Japan and South Korea – signed what is being seen as a rival to the Kyoto Protocol to curb climate change, which the US and Australia have refused to sign.

The new pact will be known as the Asia-Pacific Partnership for Clean Development and Climate. It allows the countries to set their own goals for emissions of greenhouse gases, with no enforcement measures. This is in contrast to the Kyoto Protocol, which requires industrial nations to accept legally binding emissions targets. [US-led emissions pact seen as Kyoto rival. Fred Pearce. Newscientist. July 28 2005]

Categories
Economics

[2122] Of the proper question is, is GST more burdensome than sales and service taxes?

The Malaysian government plans to introduce goods and services tax replacing the current sales tax as well as service tax in 2011. I generally prefer consumption tax to income tax because one, it somewhat accounts for externality related to consumption (making it a close cousin to my favorite tax, carbon tax) and two, it is a flat tax. Libertarians typically love flat tax. And probably, three, it is a middle finger to Keynesians and socialists out there.

My position with respect to GST in Malaysia is essentially one of agnosticism at the moment as I try to grasp its merit and demerit, despite my disposition to consumption tax (If there is an abolition of income tax alongside the introduction of GST, I would probably rush to the defense of GST immediately). I am therefore open to argument from both sides.

I do have problem rationalizing opposition to GST based on the argument that GST is regressive however. To the best of my knowledge, sales tax and service tax are flat taxes. That makes them regressive. They are consumption tax too (practically indistinguishable really) because they too can be passed to consumers (though a study of tax incidence suggests passing the tax to consumer is slightly more complicated due to dependency on elasticities).

Given that both types — GST and the current taxes GST is proposed to replace; for the sake of convenience I am lumping sales tax and service tax as ‘the other taxes’ — are regressive, the appropriate question to mount a proper opposition to GST is how more burdensome GST is compared the other taxes to the lower income groups, not whether GST is regressive or not by itself. In order words, what are the marginal effect?

I do not know the answer. Obviously a study has to be done to answer that but my first impression would be that it is less burdensome — less burdensome by meaning of less taxation — because the rate of GST proposed is much lower than the average rates of sales tax and service tax, at least for 2011.

The proposed GST rate is 4%.[1]

According to Malaysian Industrial Development Authority, services tax in Malaysia is 5% while sales tax is typically charged at 10% although there are goods charged as low as 5% to as high as 25%.[2][3][4] There are exemptions where no tax is charged but leave that aside for now.

Clearly, ignoring the anomaly of exemptions, GST is theoretically less burdensome than the other taxes of interest at the proposed and current rates.

Therefore, I am having problem with the basis of opposition to GST as expressed by several politicians from Pakatan Rakyat and possibly Khairy Jamaluddin. The latter spoke earlier in the Parliament, raising his concern about the regressive nature of GST.[5] Like I said, the proper concern should be how much more burdensome is GST against the other taxes, not that GST is regressive.

For Tony Pua’s assertion that the government should postpone the implementation of GST until average citizens earn higher income[6], which I assume GDP per capita is a convenient proxy for that, this is not convincing.

Assuming that rate of GST is the same as the average of rates for the other taxes — ignoring the effect of changing quantity demanded and quantity supplied as well as elasticities that eventually lead to change of tax revenue; those changes would probably bring down aggregate demand given the efficiency of GST but no matter because that is an entirely different issue — tax collection for both should be the same theoretically.

Theoretically because the other taxes are susceptible to tax evasion. Tax evasion is less of a problem to GST because value-adding activities are recorded more diligently across value-chains. That makes it more efficient in terms of tax collection. This advantage that GST has against the other taxes should enhance the appeal of GST, not less, if one is interested in having better taxation system. The opportunity for tax evasion is not a good point to base one’s opposition to GST, again, if one is interested in having better taxation system.

Note however, again, the proposed rate of GST is lower than the current average rates of the other taxes. Any net gain from the switch to GST is likely due to efficiency of GST rather than increase in theoretical taxes.

Nevertheless, Pakatan Rakyat or rather DAP does sound good criticism that weeding out corruption and addressing mismanagement of country’s resources would probably enhance the government’s bottom line compared to expected increase of tax collection of RM1 billion due to GST.[7]

Yet, I think Rajan Rishyakaran makes a good point when he writes, “the need for the GST goes beyond plugging budgetary holes — it serves the need to flatten the tax base.”[8]

I would add further that the function of GST is to diversify sources of revenue for the government rather than raising revenue. Unless all Malaysians suddenly convert to minarchism, which I do not mind of course, given the well-known fact that Malaysia has narrow taxpayer base,[9] diversifying the source and indeed widening the base is a good idea.

It is a good idea because, like the Pulitzer Prize winner Thomas Friedman puts it in his article entitled The First Law of Petropolitics, if he is right, government dependency on tax as revenue encourages accountability. That can further develop democratic culture in Malaysia. Dependency on oil revenue does not do that.[10] Add to that the fact that oil is a finite resources, diversification is a a way forward.

If the rate of GST gets higher than the average of the other taxes, then opposition to it is very proper. That however is an opposition to the rate, not GST per se.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — I realized that I have not defined the meaning of regressive. Consumption tax like GST is a flat tax. By regressive, it does not refer to actual rate increases the lower one’s income is where progressive means the opposite. Rather, it refers to the fact that those with lower disposal income will spend greater fraction of their income on basic items. Since flat tax increases that fraction on the, if I may use the term, poor, it is arguably regressive. The difference between the two ‘regressive’, should be differentiated, even if the effect maybe the same.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — KUALA LUMPUR: The government plans to impose goods and services tax (GST) at 4%, said Second Finance Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah.

”We are replacing the current sales and services tax, which is currently at 5% to 10%,” he told reporters at the Culture, Ideas and Values Workshop organised by Foundation For the Future at Country Heights Resorts in Kajang. [Govt may impose GST at 4%, says Husni. The Star. November 26 2009]

[2] — See Service Tax. Accessed December 3 2009.

[3] — See Sales Tax. Accessed December 3 2009.

[4] — See Taxation. Accessed December 3 2009.

[5] — The first parliamentarian to raise concern about the introduction of GST is Khairy Jamaludin. When he spoke on this matter, there was hardly any response to it. As usual the mainstream newspapers shied away from this heavy stuff. [Further thoughts on VAT/GST. Mohd Ariff Sabri Abdul Aziz. December 2 2009]

[6] — Today, out of a population of 27 million, there are in effect only 1.8 million tax-payers who pays any income tax, or only 6.7% of the population. Even if we were to take into account only the 12 million working population, it is only 15% of them who have pay any taxes. The 85% who don’t pay are those who actually don’t qualify to pay any taxes because their income is too low. However, with the implementation of GST, every single one of them whether they are earning RM500 a month or RM1,500 a month or even RM2,500 a month, who don’t current pay any taxes, will be forced to bear the heavy burden of the GST.

Therefore, it is only fair that the income levels of the average Malaysian is raised to a level where the overwhelming majority of working Malaysians are already taxable before the switch is made to a GST or indirect taxation system. [GST: First blood. Tony Pua. December 1 2009]

[7] — IPOH, Nov 29 — DAP has urged the Federal Government to reconsider the proposed 4 per cent Goods and Services Tax (GST), claiming it would do nothing to narrow the nation’s current deficit budget and would only further burden the poor and the middle class.

Party secretary-general Lim Guan Eng said that the Government should, instead, concentrate on fighting corruption and realising savings of at least RM28bil annually instead of a mere RM1bil in additional revenue from GST. [DAP: No sense gaining RM1b from GST to lose RM28b to graft. Clara Clooi. The Malaysian Insider. November 29 2009]

[8] — Tony Pua did point out several other ways to raise revenue (auctioning import quotas, for example) and save money. Nevertheless, the need for the GST goes beyond plugging budgetary holes — it serves the need to flatten the tax base. [GST for high-income economies. Only.. Rajan Rishyakaran. December 1 2009]

[9] — International agencies such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank have long pointed to Malaysia’s narrow tax base as being unviable in the longer term, given that only a tenth (or an estimated one million-odd workers) pay income tax and the nation’s overdependence on oil earnings, which contribute more than 40 per cent of federal revenue. [Najib plumps for GST to fill revenue hole. Business Times via The Malaysian Insider. November 25 2009]

[10] — [The First Law of Petropolitics. Thomas Friedman. Foreign Policy. May 2006]

Categories
Liberty Society

[2121] Of refusing to agree to disagree

Is it not great to witness the culture of freedom spreading in Malaysia, no matter how painfully slow progress has been so far?

To observe individuals debating in the public sphere on issues that none was willing to ponder so openly in the past is an encouraging development for all freedom lovers. It opens up windows and doors of an old house to exchange stale air with fresh, belonging to that of delightfully fragrant summer days.

The bright light of summer now shines where darkness once reigned. With it, old perceptions succumb to more liberating views to present all with new possibilities to explore. The barrier to fulfilling individual potential is now less intimidating to overcome due to advancing freedom.

That barrier must continue to be chipped away. Challenges to greater freedom must be conclusively addressed, no inch must be surrendered.

With continual erosion of the fear of freedom, many Malaysians now are eager to practice their individual rights, especially free speech. They express their opinion in public space on issues ranging from the crucial to the comical. Along with liberty comes diversity of opinion, regardless of the validity of the opinion held.

There is a mechanism to sort out the issue of validity of opinion or ideas while respecting liberty. The mechanism is in the nature of spontaneous order and free competition, as each individual — or at least those who care enough — tries to convince the other of a position while others poke their fingers at that position, just as the invisible hand acts to allocate resources in a free, competitive market. It is the natural selection of ideas.

The act of convincing others through intelligent debate must continue to happen, if the process of natural selection is to separate the wheat from the chaff. If a society is interested in having the best ideas proliferate while phasing bad ones out to the margin, actions that prevent natural selection deserve rejection.

Most of the times, such actions detrimental to natural selection are easily identifiable because at its heart is coercion. A few common examples backed by coercion, as practiced by the governments all over the world — Malaysia definitely included — are banning of books, censorship on television and prohibition of public speaking. Others involving intolerant individuals include issuance of security threats, be it simply rhetorical or real.

Subtler is a situation when there is there is absence of coercion. Yes, challenges to the advances of liberty do not merely come in the form of coercion only. One way that it can exist is in form of thought-terminating clichés that try to end discussions held in the public sphere.

I have to be more concrete about this and I intend to do exactly that: how many times, when faced with difficult issues, has one heard the phrase ”agree to disagree”?

On the surface, a person who suggests for all to agree to disagree so politely sounds like a great liberal democrat. It signals willingness to tolerate diversity of opinion. The truth cannot be any farther however; the phrase somehow has wrongly gained reputation as the liberal thing to do.

Unable to convince others or unable to mount convincing rebuttals to a brilliantly presented point, and in a situation where all sides refuse to budge, such a suggestion when forwarded so politely immediately resolves tension. Case closed. Discussion ended. Criticism ceased.

Meanwhile, those who refuse to agree to disagree unfairly risk being accused as intolerant of diversity of opinion.

This is downright wrong.

The phrase and the spirit of ”agree to disagree” has nothing to do with free speech and the concept of liberty at large. Far from it, it seeks to end criticism without debating on points raised.

It does not promote free speech but in fact, it brings upon adverse effects to the agenda of freedom. This spirit masks itself as a liberal ideal but it is really an effort to cover a sign of weak intellect, by creating a force field to insulate the promoter of such illiberal spirit, from criticism.

Free speech does not come with freedom from criticism. Such insulation is the antithesis of the idea of freedom. At its worst, those who seek such insulation are intolerant of free speech. At the other end, at its best, they are either appealing to political expediency or running away from the issue.

The illiberal spirit of ”agree to disagree” is not the proper way of respecting diversity of opinion and liberty. The right way is by continually debating on the issues, no matter how sensitive they are — rationally and respectfully, without threats and force. It is the right way because the only factor that makes a point unassailable is its soundness.

All are entitled their own opinion but that does not mean every opinion is valid. The assertion that the Earth is flat is an opinion but we know that that is untrue. The spirit of ”agree to disagree” ignores the point on the validity of the idea. It treats all ideas as equally valid and sound when that is not the case. It is because not all opinions or ideas are valid that none should be beyond inspection and criticism. Hence, the invalidity of the appallingly inadequate spirit of ”agree to disagree”.

If that ersatz culture spreads and becomes the way of the majority, then that society, our society, is building its foundation on sand, incapable to supporting argument as good as we should because each time there are disagreements, we agree to disagree. Such weak foundation cannot support a liberal society in a convincing manner.

A free society will continually examine and re-examine any idea presented in the public space. Any action that discourages that, whether laced with coercion or not, is incongruous to the greater spirit of liberty and the goal of building a liberal society.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on November 30 2009.