[youtube]nBmueYJ0VhA[/youtube]
It is always a pleasure to listen to what Farish Noor has to say. He is a kind of a hip academician that challenges and entertains the mind. He makes history subversive and so making it much more interesting that the dull official version sanctioned by the establishment. I like subversion, even if I myself am increasingly conforming to societal rules… for a libertarian, that is. Last weekend when he held his regular public lecture at the Central Market Annex was no different.
He has a hypothesis on the understanding of the concept cleanliness and its evolution since colonial times. I do not buy it outright because it is, well, too clean and too specific. If you have a certain set of events, you are likely to be able to accommodate a lot of themes if you are creative enough.
Farish wanted to tie that lecture with the Bersih movement. I thought that was all too convenient. It sounded as if he was working the problem backward rather than deriving it from the root. Given this, there has to be more than a theme to sew it all together cleanly and tightly.
Nevertheless, the hypothesis of his is interesting enough for me to have a think and to modify it so that to make it more general. I find the looser understanding of his hypothesis which I consider as the gradual inversion of top-down approach of governance into the organic one as a more convincing narrative.
The whole premise of the lecture was how the idea of cleanliness was originally state-centric. European colonial powers in Southeast Asia considered the tropical environment with some disgust. The tropical jungle with sweltering sun conjured insect-infested environment, always associated with diseases like malaria.
The colonial powers brought with them new ways of life, apparently more ordered and cleaner, free from the naturally dirty tropics.
These powers introduced systematic town planning and better sanitation in Southeast Asia. Farish showed a photograph or maybe a painting contrasting clean European-designed building painted white erected in Southeast Asia with wooden Malay homes built haphazardly with coconut trees growing here and there randomly. If I may exaggerate, cows roamed free in the Malay village. European colonial powers took the former as clean, and the later as dirty. Farish more than hinted the racial superiority European colonialists held against the native then.
He argued that the introduction of modern medicine through colonial state apparatus further strengthened the European notion of cleanliness. The scientific nature of modern understanding of medicine intertwined with European understanding of cleanliness. Traditional Southeast Asian medicine was looked down at due to its dependence on beliefs regardless of its efficacy (here was where I first disagreed with Farish’s lecture. While a lot of these kinds of medicine are effective, many more are based on grandmother’s belief and downright fraud). The colonial powers undertook upon themselves to apply modern understanding of medicine and hence cleanliness to clean up the colonies. Hence, the introduction of town planning, for instance.
For him, cleanliness is not confined only to physical cleanliness. He argued at the public lecture that the definition of cleanliness was more wholesome. It also includes moral and spiritual aspects. It is this definition that allowed him to tell a story of evolving definition of cleanliness. He defended his definition by highlighting that the local inhabitants’ understanding of the term cleanliness included moral and spiritual cleanliness: a soul or morality untainted by the bad intention or even touched by the devil so-to-speak. He cited various customs as a lemma to his larger point.
Farish believed the notion of cleanliness that the European colonialists brought to this part of the world was a facade to cover up the dirty business of colonialism. While the colonial towns and capitals were neat, the political and economic exploitations were ugly: tin mines, rubber plantations, the misery these activities brought to the immigrants, the wars and crime. Farish argued that even the introduction of health ordinances was done toward this end.
European racism somehow got into the picture, with the colonial masters inevitably associated all things dirty with the locals and that gave the impetus for the mission of civilizing humankind, or probably in Farish Noor’s parlance, making everything clean. Here is where the wholesome definition of cleanliness gets into the larger picture.
This all encompassing understanding of cleanliness gives one mandate to govern. I am better than you, and therefore I am the master. From mere racism, it was later translated into statism. The state was all knowing.
Fast-forward to post-colonial Malaysia, the racist connotation (racism among Malaysians notwithstanding) was gone but the statism prevailed.
This time around however, the common people subscribing to Islamic values saw the government was dirty, whatever those values were. It was a kind of nationalism that despised colonial legacy. In the 1970s, the university students saw the political elites and institutions as champagne drinking men living a Western lifestyle. These elites were not the god-fearing leaders that fit the idealized leaders these students dreamed for. The students were revolting against what they thought was impure political structure.
Farish believes this was the first seed that prodded civil society to assume the concept of cleanliness as theirs and turned it from state-centric to organic definition. From the state being clean and the ruled being dirty, the relationship was subverted and reversed. What was dirty was clean, and what was clean was dirty.
He then introduced the Bersih movement into the storyline.
It is the civil society in Malaysia which now sees the government as dirty, and that civil society is stepping up to the pedestal, and beginning talking down to the government, as the government did previously. The civil society wants to clean up the corrupt government. Thus explains the evolution of the concept ”cleanliness” up to contemporary time.
Again, the evolution of cleanlinessis too convenient for me. Again, like I wrote earlier, I find the looser hypothesis more attractive, a hypothesis that traces the evolution of the relationship between the governed and the governing rather than that of a concept, which has to be loosen up beyond its typical meaning before it could fit Farish’s narrative.
[2431] Two cheers to San Miguel
The sale of Esso Malaysia by ExxonMobil to San Miguel of the Philippines is a done deal. But it was not completed before economic nationalists sounded the alarm. They feared foreigners would seize control of strategic assets within the country while seemingly ignorant of the fact that ExxonMobil is a US-based multinational corporation in the first place.
The more discerning economic nationalists hoped, demanded and appealed to ExxonMobil to sell all of its shares to the locally-based Lembaga Tabung Angkatan Tentera (LTAT).
Luckily, the jockeying was to no avail. Why luckily? Here is a question for consideration: Were these economic nationalists interested in the welfare of Malaysians?
I would say no.
This is a pertinent question given that LTAT already owns Boustead, which in turn operates petrol retailer BHPetrol. To have LTAT controlling Esso Malaysia would likely reduce considerable competitive force within the industry, if there were any to start with. More importantly, it would turn back the clock on any effort at introducing competition in an industry already stifled by government regulation and effective monopoly.
The LTAT path advocated by economic nationalists in Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Rakyat and whoever else would reduce competitive pressure in the area, and it would also exacerbate the already adverse relationship that exists between the government and businesses.
With the government already involved in various industries, what ensures that the government has the interest of actual individual Malaysians in mind instead of the profits of various government-linked companies — or in the latest case of the economic nationalists’ wet dream, the profits of LTAT and its companies?
This is an organization that is already mired in a controversy revolving around opaque military procurement which is closely related to yet another case of conflict of interest. How is it not a conflict of interest when LTAT is the major beneficiary of various military contracts while at the same time being a retirement fund for armed forces of Malaysia? And let us pretend that unlike the experience of Indonesia and Egypt, a military with direct or indirect business interest is an ingredient for the creation of a healthy civilian government.
Real business concerns run mostly on a profit motive. It cannot afford to entertain nationalistic sentiment. If it does entertain nationalism, then it typically seeks to manipulate such sentiment to its own advantage. Proton is one such case: save Proton, buy Malaysia. Or Malaysian Airlines: save MAS, fly Malaysia.
It is not a phenomenon unique to Malaysia of course. In the United States, General Motors and Ford have from time to time brandished their American credentials to American consumers. Many businesses in the past have also employed economic nationalism to justify protectionism in these business favors.
Zooming back to Malaysia, economic nationalism takes the extra step of merging business interest with government interest, thus making the issue of conflict of interest two-fold: government protecting its profits rather the interest of its citizens, and businesses manipulating government powers to advance business interests at the expense of citizens. It is a symbiotic relationship between government and business that turns the very components of a free society into parasites, living on taxpayers’ sweat.
Such perverse incentives cannot be good for the welfare of Malaysians in general.
For these two reasons, the sale of Esso Malaysia to San Miguel should be celebrated.

Prime Minister Najib Razak has just delivered a much awaited speech.[1] It is much awaited because it was hyped up by the media. The speech did contain important announcement of intentions but the first 15 minutes were full of fluff.
The substance came later in the second half of the speech. He said his administration intends to repeal all declarations of emergency still in force. These declarations are frequently cited as anti-liberty and as means to circumvent more rigorous laws. He mentioned that the necessary bills will be sent to the Parliament for consideration.
My first reaction was one of excitement. Yet, questions linger. Will we see the return of local elections? There is no explicit mention of that. There are other questions in my mind that require answers.
With that realization, I take a skeptical position. This skepticism grew as the PM read more of his speech.
The proposed abolition of the Internal Security Act for instance should be a reason for liberals to cheer but two new laws are being proposed to replace the ISA. I fear that this may be merely a renaming exercise, due to the qualifications the PM included in his speech.
Another is the annual renewal of permit for the press. The proposal on the table is to replace that mechanism with a system where a license will only be canceled until it is canceled by the government. Does this mean the government will have the discretionary power to cancel a license just like that? That is not much better than the current setup. I prefer a renewal system where the permit lasts more than 5 years beyond typical election cycle to limit political manipulation by the government, be it one led by Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Rakyat or anybody for that matter. It limits discretionary power. The newly proposed system increases opportunity for discretion. The problem has always been the exercise of discretionary power, not the permit system per se.
These qualifications are important because these qualifications will be the true measure of sincerity of this announcement and of any effort at liberalization.
The Prime Minister and his administration deserve a nod for this liberalization plan but let us inspect the qualifications first before applauding the administration.
And I will believe it, after I see it finally done.



[1] — [Najib Razak. Perutusan Hari Malaysia. Office of the Prime Minister of Malaysia. September 15 2011]
For centuries, the battle of morality was fought between those who claimed that your life belongs to God and those who claimed that it belongs to your neighbors—between those who preached that the good is self-sacrifice for the sake of ghosts in heaven and those who preached that the good is self-sacrifice for the sake of incompetents on earth. And no one came to say that your life belongs to you and that the good is to live it. [Atlas Shrugged. Part 3. Chapter VII: “This is John Galt Speaking.” Ayn Rand. 1957]