Categories
Society

[1800] Of property rights are sacred too

The importance of Hindus’ support to the Pakatan Rakyat is undeniable. It would be hard to imagine how Pakatan could be as successful as it was on March 8 without overwhelming support from the Hindus and the Indians in general. When the Sri Maha Kaliamman shrine in Ampang, Selangor was demolished, many began to wonder if Pakatan were really any different from Barisan. Hindraf was clearly unhappy and a revolt was underway. Popularity of Pakatan among the Hindus was going south until the Pakatan-led Selangor government clarified that the local council had gone against state directive and suspended the person whom allegedly ordered the demolition.

I am less sympathetic to the shrine issue than the Pakatan state government. The fact that the shrine was built in a forest reserve only pushes me away from those who share Hindraf’s position. Why, when and how a shrine found itself in a forest reserve has yet to be clearly explained to the public. Without the questions answered, my default position would be demolition.

I could not care less whether the structure was a mosque, a temple, a church or more secular structures like a luxurious bungalow, a forest reserve — or any forest — is a sacred cathedral to me. Any other structures built that has nothing to do with wildlife protection violates the sanctity of the cathedral.

That particular piece of land is a public property appropriated as a nature reserve. To me, converting any part of that land for a shrine’s use is as angering as turning part of Kota Damansara City Forest Park as a burial ground.

I understand that context is important in considering the issue. Selangor state councilor Elizabeth Wong is content that many temples, including Sri Maha Kaliamman, “were forced over the years into this grey zone, and neglected until recently.”[1] In between the lines, maybe she is suggesting that the previous state government might have not been very forthcoming when it comes to providing land for non-Muslim religious purposes. Indeed, a 2002 report published by the US state department states that the Malaysian government “enforces some restrictions on the establishment of non-Muslim places of worship” may strengthen that opinion.[2]

Within that context, I am willing to see the state helps to relocate the shrine to somewhere else to correct the wrongs of past administration.

Baradan Kuppusamy tried to provide a big picture but I do not quite like what I read. In the article of his, he said there is no such thing as enough temples “because a person who builds temples is deemed especially close to and favoured by the gods.”[3]

Mr. Kuppusamy goes on by saying “there exists a strong urge to build and keep building more temples from roadside shrines to large temples wherever Hindus live.”[4]

I have problem with that. That somehow sounds like a ticket to have religion to trump everything else.

The quantity of temples really does not bother me. Rather, I strongly feel that construction of temples, or any religious structure for that matter, should not exploit public space without going through the necessary processes.

Having a temple in public space effectively turns a public space into a private space as its use is very exclusive. It is therefore, at its worst sounds like a land grab. How reasonable is it for anybody to build something on a piece of public land and then practically claim ownership over the land on behalf of anything, including gods?

Another factor which I am uncomfortable with is the fact that, as Mr. Kuppusamy wrote in the article, poorer Hindus do not go to or prevented from visiting to temples patronized by the richer Hindus. He implicitly makes a conclusion that the existence of the caste system which Hinduism calls for more temples despite the presence of “many larger temples that dot every major town in the country.”[5] My conclusion would definitely take a different path and call for abolition of the caste system. Yet, nobody is being forced to participate in the caste system and coercion cannot be used to abolish the discriminatory system. Yet, while the Hindus are free to practice Hinduism, the practice of their religion should not affect others’ right.

I am in the opinion that religious institutions should be treated no differently from any organization. If anybody wants to utilize public space especially on permanent or long term basis, the necessary approval must be obtained so that others’ right over the use of public space is preserved. The opinion and agreement of most stakeholders of the public space is important to legitimize the privatization of the public space. Any action which effectively turns a public space into private area without consultation from other stakeholders amount to stealing from the public, be the motive is commercial or religious.

The approval processes of course need to be fair and transparent; discrimination based on religion is a no-no. The slowness or reluctance of the authority to grant approval to the construction of places of worships belonging to religions other than Islam definitely needs to be tackled to address the issue.

Before I end, I want to stress this: this is not as much as a religious issue with me as much as a matter concerning property right. The fact that that particular piece of land is a nature preserve makes me care more about it.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — [On the Sri Maha Kaliamman shrine. Elizabeth Wong. September 30 2008]

[2] — [Malaysia. International Religious Freedom Report 2002. October 7 2002]

[3] — [Tempers rage over Hindu temples issue. Baradan Kuppusamy. The Star. September 30 2008]

[4]Ibid

[5]Ibid

Categories
Economics

[1799] Of the website of Department of Statistics gets a facelift

I was doing some research and needed to get some data from the Statistics Department. I was pleasantly surprised to find out that the website of the Department has seen an improvement. It is prettier than the old version and more navigable too.

Good work to whoever that worked on the website.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — I wonder when will Bank Negara do something about their website. It is really a pain navigating around their site.

Categories
Economics

[1798] Of a case against pegging the ringgit

Any policy which pays too much attention to the symptoms of an issue while ignoring its root cause only deserves outright rejection. The Malaysian government’s typical response to shortage of goods is one such policy. The shortage is unambiguously caused by a price and supply control mechanism, which prevents prices from adjusting according to prevailing supply and demand, as well as incorporating other relevant information. Yet, time and again, the authorities blame smugglers for the problem. Not that smugglers deserve any defending, but they are but a mere symptom of a control regime. Addressing a symptom is an ineffective way of solving a problem. Another policy which conflates symptoms with root cause is the pegging of the Malaysian ringgit to some currencies.

The rationale of the proposed policy is simple: It is aimed to stop the ringgit from weakening further vis-à-vis other currencies.

The root cause of a weakening ringgit is the economy itself. Although I am unable to exactly pinpoint the causes, I do have a list of suspects and three of them are political uncertainty, fiscal deficit and windfall tax.

The political uncertainty which we are experiencing so far has a lot to do with it. After all, Credit Suisse did advise investors to stay clear of Malaysia due to the political turmoil. Apart from Pakatan Rakyat’s increasingly tiring poker face with respect to their claim of entering Putrajaya, the recent use of ISA continues to send unhelpful signals to local and foreign investors. As a result, money flows out.

The fiscal deficit of the Malaysian government is yet another factor which may encourage capital outflow. Several economists, among them Salant and Krugman, did suggest that persistent deficit may cause capital flight.

This happened to the Indonesian rupiah several years ago as the size of the fuel subsidy ballooned into the Indonesian fiscal deficit. The rupiah dropped to a frightening level and it only recovered after the Indonesian government decided to dramatically cut the size of the fuel subsidy. Unrest ensued, but in the eyes of advocates of the peg, the rupiah was saved.

Another reason for the lackluster performance of the ringgit might be the imposition of the windfall tax. Earlier, the government imposed significant windfall tax on independent power producers. The imposition is no laughing matter because approximately a fifth of the local bond market is made up of papers issued by the power producers.

Such a tax naturally spooked the bond market, shooing investors away together with their money. In the typical fashion of the current administration, however, the windfall tax was scrapped and replaced with something else. While the U-turn was celebrated, the damage had already been done.

Indeed, Malaysia is not the only destination for investment. Once the money is out, there is little reason for it to come back, especially when there are far better options out there. The financial fortresses of Singapore and Hong Kong are not too far away, if distance is an issue at all in this age of light speed communication.

All of the factors need to be addressed if the strength of the ringgit is an issue. A peg, however, does little to address these issues.

A peg basically acts like a wall. Unless the push factors are addressed, pressure against the wall would build up and it would depend on the strength of the wall to prevent a terrible flood. That wall is the reserve of the central bank.

In the case of the peg, the central bank would have to maintain a position with respect to the currencies which the ringgit is pegged against. In times of a weakening ringgit, the bank would need to shore the ringgit up to the predetermined level by reducing the quantity of money circulated in the market. In effect, this would raise interest rates.

During a period of economic crisis, it is typical for a central bank to lower the interest rates by providing liquidity to promote growth in general, or at least to cushion the effect of a downturn. A peg, however, does exactly the opposite.

Borrowing will become more expensive and create an environment not conducive for greater economic activities, with all else being equal. Whereas consumption is required to fuel a flattering economy, a signal for greater savings and delayed investment is sent instead.

Increased savings will, of course, bring the interest rates back down if it gets to the necessary level, but by the time that happens, the economy would probably find itself in better health, removing the urgency for greater consumption.

Besides, a peg assumes that a particular level or band of ringgit vis-à-vis some currencies is more favorable than any other for everybody on average. Though mainstream economics has been accused of simplifying the world through its models, this assumption goes frighteningly further by committing a hasty generalization.

An economy does not comprise of homogeneous members. A strong currency is not necessarily good for everybody just as a weak currency is not necessarily good at all. Exporters for instance would love a relatively weak currency while importers would love a strong currency. It really depends on which side one is on.

The best way to balance the competing demands of various players within the economy is to allow the market to consider all variables to churn out the right answer. Within this context, Governor Zeti Akhtar Aziz rightly dismissed the call to peg the ringgit to the dollar or any other currencies.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

A version of this article was published in The Malaysian Insider.

Categories
Economics

[1797] Of good intention is not good enough

Long ago as a boy so liberated from cares, I was on my way back home from school. Along the way, I saw a kitten looking so forlornly in a bush with a face so miserable as if she was in need of help. Without much thought, I took her home with the intention of nourishing her. Once home however, she refused to consume anything provided to her and went on to die only days later. Her death shattered my heart into pieces. In retrospect, she may not have required any saving. What she probably needed was her mother more than anything else. It was very likely that her mother was scouring for food somewhere, leaving the kitten temporarily behind. In most likelihood, despite my good intention, I separated the kitten from her mother and consequently, I killed her.

I am sure that my experience is not unique. How many of us had the good intention of giving up our seat in a train to someone whom seemed to be a pregnant lady only later to learn that she was not in the most embarrassing manner? How many of us began with good intention but ended up worse off?

Many of the policies aimed at enhancing welfare of the people began with good intention. As noble as it sounds, good intention is not always a good measure for a good policy.

If we are to derive only one lesson from economics, it has to be that individuals respond to incentives. Here is where the importance of price as a signal must not be understated. Any policy which does not take heed of this lesson is doomed to failure sooner or later and we have a long history of communism to prove that. The success of a policy depends on policymakers’ comprehension of that lesson.

Behind the Malaysian fuel subsidy policy stands a compassionate desire to alleviate the burden of the people. While many are swayed by this point, the policy distorts prices in the market and consequently affects behavior of producers and consumers for the worse.

In times of high prices under free market arrangement, conservation and investment in new technology as well as its widespread application should be the order of the day. In doing so, most actors would have adapted to the prevailing environment. In contrast, a subsidy policy — interventionist policy — isolates consumers and producers from the reality outside; it artificially lowers energy prices. State interference through the policy only garbles the signal that would otherwise call for a more measured consumption path. As a result, there is little need to adapt to a new reality.

For instance, a greater need for better public transportation is only immediately apparent when fuel prices are high. It makes no sense for anybody to utilize any kind of public transportation when driving a vehicle does not burn a hole in our pockets, with all else being equal. Likewise for carpooling; no amount of funky advertisements commissioned by the state could match the effectiveness of dearer fuel price in encouraging carpooling. So too goes with the need for greater fuel efficiency.

Furthermore, if one cares for the environment, the case for freer market is undeniably strong. Within the context of climate change, Malaysia has the honor of having the highest growth rate of carbon emissions in the world since the 1990 and without doubt, artificially low fuel prices made possible through state intervention has a lot to do with that. A refrain by the state from interfering in the workings of the market could go a long way in humbling our ugly but spectacular record.

Most of all, the downside this particular state intervention in the marketplace in the form of fuel subsidy policy is the weight well-intentioned electorates, bureaucrats and politicians placed on short-term gains at the expense of long term and structural improvement of our society. A freer market will recalibrate our carrot and stick model to be more forward looking instead of being one of instant gratification.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published by Malaysia Think Tank’s WauBebas.

Categories
Liberty Society

[1796] Mengenai buang negara bangsa untuk nasionalisme yang terluas

Sering kali saya terdengar akan keperluan untuk rakyat Malaysia membentuk satu nasionalisme baru untuk mengatasi cabaran masa muka. Dengan mudahnya, nasionalisme ini mengimpikan satu bangsa yang merangkumi semua rakyat Malaysia, di mana semua memiliki hak-hak yang saksama tanpa pilih kasih. Ramai mengenali nasionalisme baru ini sebagai bangsa Malaysia. Walaupun saya mungkin bersimpati dengan konsep ini berbanding dengan apa yang sedang dipegang oleh pihak yang masih berselindung di dalam sangkar perkauman, saya berpendapat bahawa bangsa Malaysia berada tidak jauh dari tarikh luputnya.

Sebelum kita berbicara tentang mengapa saya berfikiran demikian, kita perlu memahami mengapa bangsa Malaysia lahir. Tidak perlu kita membelek buku-buku sejarah, politik ataupun falsafah untuk memahami perkara itu. Jawapan ringkas tetapi tepat boleh diperoleh dari batu asas kepada pemikiran kenegaraan yang memperjuangkan satu bangsa yang mengandungi pelbagai kaum untuk satu negara; batu asas itu adalah negara bangsa atau nation-state.

Negara di sini bukan yang segera difahami oleh semua. Bahasa Melayu — seperti apa yang akan ditegaskan oleh penyorak-penyorak bangsa Malaysia, bahasa Malaysia atau sekurang-kurangnya pembicaraan popular tempatan yang bersangkut paut tentang kenegaraan — gagal membezakan konsep country (negara, negeri atau wilayah boleh dilukis di atas kertas), nation (negara atau lebih tepat bangsa) dan state (negara sebagai satu institusi) secara memuaskan. Kekeliruan ini menjadikan perdebatan tentang negara Islam di Malaysia berganjak satu perkara yang penting kepada satu pertunjukan sarkas yang tidak bermakna. Susah untuk seseorang itu memastikan sama ada penyokong dan penentang negara Islam berdebat tentang Islamic state atau Islamic country. Ini sendiri membuatkan saya duduk jauh daripada perbahasan mengenai negara Islam di mana para pendebat tidak sedar akan perbezaan penting ini.

Kembali kepada perkara pokok dengan harapan masalah penterjemaah tidak mengaburi apa yang saya mahu kongsi bersama, negara bangsa mengatakan bahawa sesuatu bangsa, satu kelompok manusia yang berkongsi warna kulit, bahasa, agama atau secara amnya budaya, berhak mentadbir dirinya sendiri. Pentadbiran ini direalisasikan dengan mendirikan satu institusi iaitu negara atau state.

Pemimpin-pemimpin Malaya dan kemudiannya Malaysia sendiri cuba mendirikan negara kita di atas konsep negara bangsa, di mana bangsa itu adalah bangsa Malaya (Malayan) and kemudiannya Malaysia (Malaysian). Bagi negara yang berbilang kaum, pelbagai bangsa, usaha untuk mendirikan satu negara bangsa akan bertemu dengan satu halangan yang besar: ketiadaan satu bangsa organik yang merangkumi semua bangsa; ketiadaan bangsa mengiakan negara yang mengandungi pelbagai bangsa organik; tiada bangsa yang organik yang menerima bangsa Melayu, Cina, India dan ”bangsa lain-lain” sebagai anggota dengan yakin.

Mungkin bangsa longgar wujud beberapa dekad setelah imigrasi besar-besaran ke negeri-negeri Melayu serta Borneo berlaku. Pendapat ini bagaimanapun terlampau bersifat subjektif dan sukar dibentuk di dalam minda dengan baiknya tanpa pencanggahan.

Walau bagaimanapun, jika kita melupakan sementara masalah definisi itu dengan semangat pragmatisme, bangsa yang baru itu tidak bernama dan hanya dirujuk sebagai satu apabila negara kita terdiri. Dalam usaha untuk mengesahkan negara ini dari pandangan negara bangsa, konsep kerakyatan tidak mencukupi. Keperluan untuk membentuk satu bangsa tiruan wujud di atas ketiadaan bangsa organik. Oleh itu, bangsa longgar yang tidak bernama itu mula dirujuk sebagai bangsa Malaysia, bersemperna negara Malaysia.

Tetapi, falsafah yang diketengahkan oleh negara bangsa berdiri dengan tanggapan yang satu bangsa itu berhak untuk mentadbirkan dirinya sendiri. Soalan yang perlu ditanya adalah ini: perlukan sesuatu negara itu berdiri dengan bangsa sebagai tunggak asas?

Malaysia sendiri berjaya dibentuk tanpa adanya bangsa yang satu. Penekanan terhadap bangsa Malaysia hanya berlaku selepas terbentuknya negara Malaysia. Ini adalah satu tanda yang mengatakan negara bangsa itu tidak menjadi satu syarat dalam pembentukan negara.

Yang lebih ditakutkan, konsep negara bangsa itu sendiri mungkin akan membawa kepada perpecahan negara. Malaysia mempunyai sekurang-kurangnya tiga bangsa yang berpengaruh besar. Jika konsep negara bangsa dipatuhi dengan taatnya, lambat laun Malaysia akan terbahagi kepada sekurang-kurangnya tiga negara. Ini belum lagi mengambil kira perbezaan agama yang boleh menjadi asas kepada pemikiran negara bangsa.

Di negara-negara lain seperti Perancis, negara bangsa tidak lagi memainkan peranan utama dalam pentadbiran negara. Malah, Kesatuan Eropah sendiri tidak memerlukan satu bangsa luas untuk mengemudi dirinya ke hadapan. Kesatuan tersebut ada masalah-masalahnya sendiri tetapi perlu diingatkan, pembentukan negara itu sendiri memerlukan masa. Apa yang ingin disampai di sini ialah konsep kerakyatan itu sendiri sudah mencukupi.

Tambahan pula, demografik sesuatu negara sering berubah. Pergerakan manusia serta modal yang semakin bebas sering menukarkan kandungan bangsa sintetik seperti konsep bangsa Malaysia itu sendiri. Apabila kandungan bangsa sintetik itu diubah disebabkan pergaulan di antara bangsa-bangsa organik dan lebih penting, para individu, apakah perlu kita mengembleng tenaga sekali lagi untuk mentakrifkan bangsa yang baru? Adakah perlu kita melindungi takrifan bangsa sintetik itu daripada berubah?

Perubahan itu bagaimanapun tidak meminta konsep kerakyatan berubah, jika asas kerakyatan itu bersifat liberal dan buta kepada idea negara bangsa.

Saya sebagai seseorang individu mahu mendekati satu bentuk nasionalisme yang lebih unggul dan luas daripada yang berasaskan negara bangsa. Kita perlu melihat lebih jauh dari konsep bangsa. Ini tidak bermakna kita harus menghapuskan bangsa-bangsa organik. Kita semua adalah seorang individu dan setiap individu itu berhak menentukan cara hidup mereka sendiri dengan syarat tindakan mereka itu tidak merampas hak-hak yang sama yang dinikmati oleh orang-orang lain.

Sebagai satu negara yang kecil, kita harus cergas menerima apa yang terbaik daripada tamadun manusia. Sudah hilang waktu di mana kita boleh melihat kepada kaum kita sendiri untuk mencari kekuatan. Kita harus menjemput mereka yang ingin berusaha untuk membina kehidupan yang terulung walaupun mereka orang asing. Negara atau masyarakat yang mengandungi individu-individu ini akan menaikkan taraf kehidupan masyarakat itu sendiri. Selamat datang diucapkan kepada mereka yang ingin menyumbang dan sanggup menghormati hak-hak individu terhadap kebebasan.

Nasionalisme saya berkisar kepada pembukaan sempadan kita kepada mereka yang terlatih untuk membangunkan negara. Sebelum itu berlaku, kesaksamaan hak-hak terhadap kebebasan perlu dijamin. Nasionalisme ini perlu melindungi semua dengan sama rata, tanpa mengira kerakyatan. Negara yang menjamin semua ini akan menarik yang terbaik di kalangan manusia dan seterusnya membolehkan kita membina satu tamadun yang hebat tanpa sekatan yang terbina atas nama ketakutan.

Konsep negara bangsa merupakan satu sekatan untuk kita maju ke hadapan, jauh meninggalkan yang lain yang masih terkongkong di dalam pemikiran lama.

Saya yakin, inilah nasionalisme yang tertinggi dan terbaik, di mana bangsa itu adalah bangsa manusia. Tidak perlu kita mewujudkan bangsa yang sintetik untuk bersatu. Hanya yang diperlukan adalah kesanggupan untuk kita untuk hormat-menghormati hak-hak asasi individu tanpa memilih kasih.

Nasionalisme yang terluas inilah yang akan mengatasi nasionalisme yang lain.

Baiklah.

Saya mengaku.

Ini sebenarnya menuju ke arah liberalisme.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

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