Out beyond ideas of wrongdoing,
and rightdoing there is a field.
I’ll meet you there.— Rumi (September 30, 1207—December 17, 1273)
Between Malaysia and UMNO, I do not believe those influential in the party care for Malaysia more than UMNO. I have recently alluded to that idea but it was done in jest, perhaps unwittingly referring to the upcoming rally demanding for fairer electoral process. After observing development in the past few days, the jest is increasingly becoming a legitimate stance. As Malaysia goes to the International Court of Justice to settle a dispute with Singapore regarding Batu Puteh, UMNO is holding its general assembly in Kuala Lumpur. All mainstream media are reporting on the assembly heavily while there is scant mention — in some media not at all — of the development of the hearing at The Hague.

This is most telling is how Utusan Malaysia treats the two events today and yesterday, which is full of UMNO related news. For these two days, reporting on the dispute should be heaviest as Singapore presents its case in the Court. Yet, the printed media, especially Utusan Malaysia, are dedicating most of its pages to the UMNO assembly, including its front pages. Batu Puteh on the other hand receives a mere back page treatment for today. For yesterday, none at all but the assembly continues to dominate the pages of Utusan Malaysia.
The same case is applicable for Bernama, The Star and the New Straits Times though the stress on UMNO is noticeably less. But the point, the hearing on Batu Puteh receives only passing mention unlike the UMNO assembly which involved deep analysis and spin that pain this assembly remarkably in contrast to those in the recent past, as late as last year, which were jingoistic and filled with deep communal sentiments, to put it politely.
The same trend is observable on television and radio. I dare say, half of the air time is dedicated to the assembly. I am unsure if the same case is observable in media of languages other than Malay and English.
Therefore, the case suffers from limited coverage and due to that, I am forced to rely on Wikipedia, Singaporean media which understandably biased to the Singaporean side and international media.
But perhaps, this lack of reporting from Malaysian sources is due to the fact that this round of hearing is reserved for Singapore. Malaysia will only present its case next week. Still, surely, whatever Singapore, or Malaysia, brings forth as points greatly affects the course of the case. Or, maybe, it is just a little rock in the middle of the sea. Or maybe, Malaysian sovereignty is of little importance.
There is no need to remind everybody that UMNO controls the media in this country, directly or by proxy. Meanwhile, it is clear that those in the media place UMNO higher than the sovereignty of Malaysia in its list. You are welcome to make a conclusion following the two premises.
Such is the sad state of our country.
[1436] Of USD250 per barrel?
What the… ? Via:
Energy consumers and speculators are scrambling to take out options contracts to insure themselves against oil prices rising above $100 a barrel — a further sign of growing expectations of a spike in the crude market.
Some have even taken out contracts to protect themselves against prices rising to $250 a barrel in the next two years… [Scramble to insure against more oil price rises. Financial Times. November 5 2007]
I wonder when the famed Simon-Ehrlich wager will be invoked!
The issue of wealth redistribution and inequality in wealth can be overly stressed by many in Malaysia. Up goes the Gini coefficient for Malaysia and there goes the alarmists. These alarmists, wealth egalitarians do not quite understand that it is poverty that matters, not wealth inequality.
Individuals are different and different persons follow different paths in their life; that rationalizes the difference in wealth; the difference in wealth is synonymous to difference in outcomes. Egalitarians effectively demand all to achieve the same outcome; the best way to achieve such equality is to force everybody to be the same — uniformity is cherished while difference is scorned upon — or to forcefully redistribute wealth after differences manifest itself in the society. For this, egalitarianism violates liberty. Communism and socialism seek this egalitarianism and in the past, as history has noted, the results were disastrous. Yet, communists and socialists still roam this earth, seemingly ignoring lessons in history.
Despite failure of systems that hold wealth equality close to heart, egalitarianism has been identified by the masses as an idea markedly friendly to the poor while non-egalitarian free market advocates are recognized as the manipulative monsters ever-hostile against the poor. This stereotype is beginning to annoy me especially when egalitarianism is increasingly becoming more about hating the rich than about helping the poor. In 1999, economist Martin Feldstein recognized these people with such thinking as spiteful egalitarians.
Wealth inequality is not necessarily, or usually the problem in a society. There are several factors that contribute to wealth inequality; the sources of inequality must be identified to demonstrate why inequality is not an issue one should be concerned about.
At the very top, those factors can be categorized into two groups: deterministic and non-deterministic factors.
For deterministic factors, for example, it is a case of when one is born into the world. One cannot choose their parents, so to speak. And it is not too rare for one to be born without a limp, or be blind or deaf or endowed with any other unfortunate deformation that later affects one’s ability to wade through this life, which can be beautiful or cruel, at birth. It all comes down to one word: luck. Inequality caused by these factors may justify wealth redistribution under pragmatic terms. I am comfortable to suggest that this inequality is the unfavorable type for it adversely affects opportunities; liberty-conscious affirmative action to overcome inequality caused by deterministic factors is essentially action to create equality in opportunity.
Another cause of inequality is the one determined purely by wit and effort by the human spirit. Inequality arises by this group of factors is a direct consequence of success and failure; of reward and punishment. One of the greatest lessons in economics is that individual responses to incentives. In order to encourage success, reward must be granted to those that succeed while failure is punished; in many instances, lack of reward itself suffices as punishment. For one to be successful, effort is required and for effort to be there, the reward must justify the effort. As long as there are winners and losers; as long as we cherish meritocracy, there will be inequality in outcome. Meritocracy is meaningless amid egalitarianism.
If losers are granted that same reward as granted to the victors in the name of egalitarianism, or for any reason for that matter, the victors would have not the incentive to work to be successful. Equality in outcome, equality in wealth means one gets rewarded regardless of effort, even for no effort at all. If fruits of effort could be plucked without effort, why commit effort at all?
Consider education level; it has been well documented that on average, greater years of education increases income level, given everything else is the same. Consider further two persons of the same gender enjoying the same endowment granted by their parents or some entity but have different attitude or capability to mental prowess. The person (let us call him, or her, E) with the greater mental capability will be able to endure longer years of sitting on in front of desk, in front of a book or a computer, working on theses, enriching his, or her, faculty, compared to another person (person F) whom invests less in education. The end result: E will have greater income that F. In the long run, wealth inequality will exist; what was a scenario wealth equality at the beginning is modified by difference in education which leads to difference in income level and finally, wealth inequality. It is the result of meritocracy.
This pattern could be expanded internationally. Different levels or paths of investment will lead to different levels of income. This differences lead to inequality among countries. Luck does have a role but luck, or in a more respectable term, history, can be overcome with enough will. Where there is a will, there is a way.
For this reason, it is far more helpful to concentrate on fighting poverty rather than dreaming for wealth egalitarianism. To achieve an egalitarian society, it is necessary to slow down growth of all people, waiting for those at the bottom to play catch-up; it brings everybody down instead of raising all boats. More worryingly it is becoming a fad lately among self-proclaimed wealth egalitarians to express clear hostility against the successful in hope of achieving an egalitarian society; they seeks to bring the top down rather than the bottom up.
One need not be spiteful to create a better society. For a better society, poverty fighting is enough; egalitarianism is unhelpful in many cases. We should fight for equality in opportunity, not equality in outcome. If one is really concerned for the poor, one should concentrate on fighting poverty, not on achieving an egalitarian society.

p/s — this entry was first published at Bolehland.
A few days ago:
KUALA LUMPUR: Anyone who takes part in the illegal gathering on Nov 10 at Dataran Merdeka to demand for a “fair and clean” general election will be arrested.
Police will not hesitate to pick up anyone seen in the area where 100,000 people are expected to congregate from 3pm. [‘Stay away or face arrest’. The Star. November 2 2007]
Really? It would be amusing to see how the police plan to arrest 100,000 people on that day.
Somehow, I feel, it is reasonable to expect that Kuala Lumpur could witness a repeat of the tragedy in Myanmar; not as crude but the effect on liberty is all the same.
Anything could happen next Saturday. Whatever happens, when it happens, years down the road, the question that will need answering is this: where were you when it happened?