Categories
Society

[2148] Of racism and moral authority

In an ideal world, moral authority is unnecessary for a person to hold a position, to raise a point, to criticize it, to object to an action, to advocate it or anything similar. What is of value is the argument itself. It is most regrettable however that we live here down in the mud where the difference between ideal and reality is self-evident. That affects many things, including effort to address racial issues.

The sure way to avoid unnecessary disappointment in this jaded world is to assume that each person pursues his or her own interest. It is true that there are altruists even in this world but that is no reason to revise that assumption regarding self-interest. If one does meet an altruist, one should consider such meeting as a bonus, no matter how frequent such encounter is.

While self-interest has proven to be a driver of human progress, it does have its downside. It is because of self-interest that far too many individuals say and do far too many things not because they believe in it, but because it is convenient to say or do so. Honesty simply cannot be taken for granted. Skepticism is always a justifiable position.

With the recognition that we do not live in an ideal world and with the assumption that one needs to make in order to avoid disappointment, moral authority becomes a useful indicator in determining the worth of an argument to some extent. Here, moral authority refers to the appropriateness of a person’s action or position in a particular issue in the eyes of others or even one’s own in an earnest way. It provides context for us to assess the level of honesty of a particular argument.

In discussing racial discrimination or downright racism in Malaysia, perhaps it is sometimes useful to look at the issue through the prism of moral authority.

There are various ways to gain moral authority but with respect to racism, one significant way is by becoming a victim of racial discrimination, or simply hatred grounded on race. By becoming a victim, one experiences actual stress caused by racism. This may sound like a tautology but such experience requires stressing so that the point made here is clear.

For example, US senator and war veteran John McCain has the moral authority — or at least he has greater gravitas compared to other politicians — to speak on the issue of prisoners of war because he was a prisoner himself. Without being one, he would have little authority to speak on the matter. Others would not give his opinion the necessary weight otherwise, controlling for other factors such as consistency.

As much as his personal suffering gives McCain his moral authority on a particular subject, a victim of racism gets elevated above others untouched by racism. Victims speak from experience, unlike innocent others. Lacking personal experience, the innocent others may look at the victims for leadership or as heroes of the issue until the innocents become victims themselves, if ever. In the same line, since the victims speak from experience, the victims may see themselves as the logical opinion leaders or heroes among the innocent others.

As a result, any person that does not speak from experience, but only speaks from the position of knowledge, suffers some sort of dismissal by others in speaking against racism compared to those who speak from experience, even if the point is the same. Such is the curse of a world less than ideal.

As such, moral authority is a marvelous resource if utilized against all versions of racism.

The same moral authority unfortunately can be a resource to promote further racism in the reversed direction and in doing so, exacerbating the problem. The perceived moral authority may explain why there are individuals who respond to racism by espousing racism. With the moral authority as victims, they consider their racist actions as justified.

When a person sees his or her racism as justified, it becomes hard to convince them why such racism is wrong. This is especially so when such racism is justified in the person’s eyes as well as in the eyes of others too. What moral authority conferred by others reinforces the moral authority a person perceives that he or she has.

Despite so, when victims of racism use their moral authority to commit further racism, there are reasons to think how that negates their moral authority on the issue. From a third party perspective or the innocent others, if the victim commits the very same act he or she suffered from onto another person, the new victim will gain moral authority to speak out against racism, or to perpetuate it. When both victims have such moral authority following a game of tit-for-tat, a third person will not be able to decide who has greater moral authority in the case. As a result, the victim gains moral authority only to lose it.

What is the case in one’s own eyes? If a person thinks that his or her racism is justified because he or she has gone through victimhood, then one must necessarily find others’ act of racism against him or her as justified when others obtain their moral authority by the same way the person obtains his or hers. Here lies the danger. The original victims and subsequent victims trapped in a racist loophole may consider themselves as obtaining additional moral authority to commit racism, each time they become victims yet again.

When individuals find themselves trapped in the loop, the ones who may be able to break the cycle are a third party and the victims of racism who use their moral authority to speak out against all kind of racism instead of committing racism in the reversed direction.

The third party, who are the innocent others and presumably impartial parties, may highlight how racists lose their moral authority from a third person perspective. Unfortunately, because the third party is the innocent others, the racists’ perception — racists born out victimhood of racism — that the innocent others do not have the moral authority to speak out against racism may limit the influence of the innocent others.

This leaves victims of racism who do not perpetuate racism in return as a formidable force in effort to break the loop of racism from the point of view of moral authority. In their own eyes, they do not see any act of racism as justified — unlike the other victims — while having they moral authority intact. In the eyes of third parties as well, they certainly have moral authority intact unlike the other victims of racism who exacerbate the problem of racism.

Therefore, if effort to address racism is to be successful in terms of moral authority, then voices of these victims who use their moral authority to speak against all kind of racism have to be amplified. We have to give them space to speak out against racism. Not only that, we need to encourage them to speak out.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on January 9 2010.

Categories
Liberty

[2147] Of actual, libertarian and ideal constraints

The controversy on the use of the term Allah has helped me to clarify the difference between the act of supporting, not supporting, opposing and not opposing. I generally had considered it as merely a binary fork in the style of if one does not support, then one must oppose and vice versa.

I do not oppose and I do not support the use of the term Allah by The Herald.

By both not supporting and not opposing, it by no mean I am indifferent.

By not opposing, I am simply acknowledging the right of the Catholic Church to use the term Allah in its publication The Herald. At the same time, I do not support the use because of all the trouble it brings. This is not contradictory. What I oppose is effort to rob The Herald of its right to use the term Allah, or any term really. The distinction has to be made clear. Like what I have written previously, “the Christian insistence does not violate liberty but hey, a lot of things a lot of people say and do do not violate liberty either. Whether all those things are the smart things to do or say is another matter altogether, even within libertarian constraint.”

The realization of those cases — of supporting and opposing and everything in between — is a byproduct of cognizance of the difference between ideal and libertarian constraints.

I consider this as revolutionary in terms of my own thinking. I had some grasp on the matter before but not as clearly as I see it now.

This really turns my worldview over its head because previously, I considered the libertarian constraint as the ideal case while whatever happening on the ground is the — pardon me for my failure of imagination — actual constraint. It might be inappropriate to call it actual constraint because it might not be a constraint per se. It is the world as it is. But no matter. I will worry about the semantic later.

In the spirit of gap analysis, the job then was to work from the actual constraint towards the ideal constraint, which is the libertarian constraint. The libertarian constraint is simply the typical limit imposed on individuals with negative individual right in mind.

My new realization introduces libertarian constraint not as the ideal constraint but as the actual limit of individual and society with the ideal case becoming more restrictive within libertarian constraint. The work now is to set from actual and libertarian constraints to the ideal one. Perhaps I have been a libertarian for so long that I am simply internalizing libertarian belief system and taking it as the actual limit that society must observe at minimum.

I have yet to define the ideal constraint properly and I think that will prove to be much harder than defining libertarian constraint. I doubt I will ever comprehensively define that ideal constraint. The reason is, unlike libertarian constraint that is general in nature, the ideal constraint is far more specific in nature and has to be to assess on case by case basis, notwithstanding the demand on consistency.

There is one thing that I can be certain. Because the ideal constraint is located within libertarian constraint, the ideal constraint does not contradict libertarian constraint. This is where I am able to hold the position of not oppose and not support the use of the term Allah by The Herald without contradiction. Libertarian constraint demands me to not oppose the use because it is The Herald’s negative right, i.e. right from interference in exercise. Ideal constraint, within libertarian limit, allows me to not support it because my ideal constraint here is conscious of the adverse effect of the use of the term on peace and goodwill within Malaysia society.

Another example is warranted. Consider a racist speech.

Libertarian constraint says that no one can prevent the speech from being made. It is part of right to free speech. My ideal constraint prefers that the speech not being made at all because how the speech may encourage bad blood among individuals.

Libertarian constraint discounts the use of force to reach the ideal constraint. While the ideal constraint agrees with the libertarian constraint on the use of force and preservation of liberty, it seeks to discourage the racist speech.

This brings in an uncomfortable possibility. Does this approach to what is called as libertarian paternalism, or paternal libertarianism (as if there is a difference between the two)?

Categories
Conflict & disaster Liberty Society

[2146] Of the state must act against trangression

And so it has come to this. Amid the tension between those who support — or at least do not oppose — and those who oppose the use of the term Allah by the Catholic Church in Malaysia, a church was torched by arsonists, as the initial reports go.[1] I fear that this might not be the worst. In times like this, in the interest of protection of freedom, the rule of law is paramount.

It is in times like this that those who do not understand the rule of law, the limits of a person and the rights of others must face the full consequences of their transgression.

Rightful prosecution to the fullest extent of the law is not only justified, it is a must as to serve an important lesson to all. The snowball must be stopped dead in its track, if it is a snowball. Cautionary principle demands an action, regardless whether a snowball effect is in motion or not. Prudence must prevail in this matter.

The lesson is this: no matter how badly one detests the other, use of force is never an action for the first mover. It is not an option not just because there was no actual threat directed against the perpetrators, but also because physical threat on the perpetrators is not imminent.

One’s freedom is only up to the expression of that detestation and not an inch more. If one uses force to act on that detestation, as with the case with the burning of the church in Kuala Lumpur, then one must be prepared for a proper exaction of compensation by the state on oneself.

The door of legitimate state retaliation against the actual perpetrators of crime has now been opened. This is only on behalf of the victims. It is so as a matter of protection of rights, specifically right to property. And clearly, other rights too, such as right to life, if the transgressive momentum builds up. Attacks like this can easily be a life threatening case.

It is clear that the state cannot fail to carry out its responsibility. If the state fails to carry out this, it may open up the dangerous path of vigilantism.

Pray tell, even if that vigilantism were justified  — in fact, sadly, it is in the case of failure  — enough individuals would realize how far down the spiral would go to refrain from doing so.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — KUALA LUMPUR (Reuters) – A church in the Malaysian capital of Kuala Lumpur was firebombed early on Friday, gutting the first storey of the building in a residential area, amid a row over the use of the word “Allah” for the Christian God.

“It is confirmed that Desa Melawati church was burnt, at about 12.25 am in the morning. There were no fatalities. We are investigating the incident and suspect foul play,” said Kuala Lumpur Chief Police Officer Mohammad Sabtu Osman.

 

A court ruling last week allowing Catholic newpaper The Herald to use “Allah” for the Christian God has been appealed by the government of the mainly Muslim nation of 28 million people.

The issue has threatened relations between the majority Malay Muslim population and the minority ethnic Chinese and Indian populations who practise a range of religions including Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism. [Malaysia Court Rules Catholic Paper Can Print ”˜Allah’. Niluksi Koswanage. David Chance. Louise Ireland. Reuters. January 8 2010]

Categories
Photography

[2145] Of within the twinkling of an eye

Some right reserved.

More information is available at the Art Gallery.

Categories
Liberty Society

[2144] Of libertarian position on the Allah controversy

I have nothing clever to say with respect to the controversy involving the usage of the term Allah by Christians in Malaysia (specifically, Catholic Christians I suppose) and objection raised by considerable number of Muslims there.[1] What I have to say is just some plain old consequences arising from my libertarian position. I think I have somewhat clarified my position while trying to explain, what I think is why some more conservative Muslims in Malaysia object to the use of the term Allah by Christians in Malaysia.

In any case, I am going to explain my position.

From the principle of freedom, specifically religious freedom and more broadly, freedom of expression, there is no reason for me to be alarmed by the recent court decision to allow Christians to use the term Allah to refer to their god in Malaysia. For any group to claim exclusive right over an idea that cannot be, in a sense, privatized or perhaps — however ridiculous this may sound — trademarked, is problematic. I cannot quite find the right words to describe it but clearly, no individual liberty has been transgressed by this action taken by Christians. Meanwhile, to prevent Christians from doing so will violate their liberty, and therefore should be untenable for libertarians.

Furthermore, based on the concept of secularism, which I consider as an essential aspect of the libertarian concept of the state, the state should have no role in this at all. So, to me, the court decision is only right. If the court had ruled otherwise, it would call for government intervention in form of religious control in the society.

Not only that, that government intervention will expand the frontier of the state into private life of a person. Just imagine the kind of mechanism required to enforce a ruling that insists the term Allah belongs exclusively to Muslims and no one else in Malaysia. Well, actually, you do not have to imagine it. It is already in place.

Lastly, this conflict paints both Christianity and Islam in Malaysia in a bad light: those Christians who insist in using the term Allah when there are other alternatives and conservative Muslims for their schizophrenic attitude. It is true that the Christian insistence does not violate liberty but hey, a lot of things a lot of people say and do do not violate liberty either. Whether all those things are the smart things to do or say is another matter altogether, even within libertarian constraint.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — Dec. 31 (Bloomberg) — Malaysia’s High Court ruled that a government ban on non-Muslim publications using the word ”Allah” is unconstitutional, settling a dispute that stoked questions about religious freedom in the country.

The Herald, a weekly publication of the Catholic Church of Malaysia, filed for a judicial review after it was temporarily ordered to stop publishing for two weeks in December 2007 after using the word, which means ”God,” in its Malay-language section. [Malaysia Court Rules Catholic Paper Can Print ”˜Allah’. Manirajan Ramasamy. Ranjeetha Pakiam. Bloomberg. December 31 2009]