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Politics & government

[2962] 2022 manifesto represents progress in PH policymaking

Going through Pakatan Harapan’s latest 94-plus pages manifesto reminds me how far things have progressed over the last 10 or so years. By things, I mean the current component PH parties’ ability to churn out policy documents, and overall sophistication in promoting policies. Ten or 15 years ago, PH struggled to produce such policy documents.

The inability to do so was among others due to lack of manpower or professionals in various fields within party ranks and volunteers. In the past, most professionals or even experts stayed well in the private sector. If they had political ambition or interest, they would join Barisan Nasional. Contributing to parties like DAP and PKR (or then Pas) then meant career suicide. Few were willing to sacrifice their living standards for partisan politics.

That has changed as the urban middle class now relies less on  government largess, and with private employment opportunities well diversified beyond the reach of partisan hands. That trend, I think, comes as multiethnic urban voters shift their party preference from that of BN to PKR, DAP and their various allies over the years. Now, PH has access to those professionals and experts.

Even when DAP and PKR were weak during those years, they were measured on a harsher scale versus the one faced by BN. BN would be allowed to play on noob mode, but the public insisted DAP and PKR played only the hard mode. Where is your manifesto? Where is your alternative budget? Where is your shadow cabinet? That BN never took their own manifesto seriously was never questioned.

Prior to the 2010s, this was perhaps understandable because most would ask, why change when things are going okay? Reading We Are Marching Now recently, most voters then were interested in stronger checks and balances, but not a change in government. Voters were scared of change and if they were to be convinced of change, then advocates of change would need to surpass a very high bar before any convincing could take place. The status quo was easier and familiar.

But by the 2010s, changes are no longer something scary. And PH is more than capable of providing policy alternative to back its overall rally for federal power.

As for the PH manifesto itself, there are measures that I disagree with. Furthermore, I do feel there is an element of kitchen sink in it. Nevertheless, I suppose I need to remind myself that this is the nature of coalition politics, a compromise between equals. Messy but that is democracy. What is important is that, there has been progress over the years, and that progress as represented by the latest manifesto is not small by any measure.

Progress in developing policy-making skills among PH members have been so significant in the past 10 years that the corporate sector no longer could ignore PH manifesto.

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2960] Election time: my preferred transport policies

Recently, I wrote election manifestos should have overarching themes, while avoiding the kitchen sink approach. While I focus on Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional also had a kitchen sink approach before. Kitchen sink is the favorite way of doing things among political parties.

I do not have the energy to come out with a manifesto myself, but if I had to choose one area, then it has to be transport policy, which intersects with many other areas that includes fiscal, climate and urban development policy.

My ideal transport policy will be constrained by at least 3 factors:

  • Promoting responsible fiscal policy to rapidly build up government capacity in healthcare, education, defense and overall industrial policy
  • Reducing carbon emissions with respect to concerns for climate change
  • Improving connectivity across the country, especially in and around major cities where most of the population work and live.

These constraints mean, especially in the cities, fewer private vehicles on the road, and greater reliance on public transport.

This list is not comprehensive, but I think the areas it broaches are major concerns. Here are my preferred policies.

Fuel policy: Switch from petrol subsidy to cash transfer

Current fuel subsidy policy is expensive. It takes resources away from many other areas. As reported in the media, as of June, 2022 subsidy bill alone (not including other social assistance) was expected to hit RM78 billion. This is bigger than 2022 allocation for the Ministry of Health (RM32 billion), Ministry of Defense (RM16 billion) or Ministry of Education (RM53 billion). While subsidies alleviate short term pain, it does not build long term capacity: it takes resources away and weakens already underfunded health, defense and education systems, among others. Imagine what these systems would look like if they had an additional RM78 billion for their services and asset acquisition.

Here, I would like to return to the late-2000 policy of switching from fuel subsidies to cash transfers (before it was abused as goodies). It does not have to be a one-to-one switch since cash has higher value than fuel subsidies: the former has many more use cases than fuel subsidies.

Cash transfer implementation will have to be discussed elsewhere, together with the introduction of tax identification number.

Fuel policy: Tax petrol through SST (or GST)

Simultaneously, I advocate fuel tax. SST (or GST) should be charged on purchase of petrol. While I do not support ring-fencing income from fuel tax for any particular purpose, additional income here should be able to fund a large cash transfer program, as well as to introduce new public transport service while improving existing ones (more about public transport later).

Such tax will discourage excessive use of private vehicles, which will:

  • Improve journey time by taking cars off the road
  • Shift some traffic from private vehicles to public transport
  • Reduce carbon emissions

I would think removal of subsidies and introduction of fuel tax alone would provide the government with resources to build its capacity in multiple areas. And of course, in public transport too.

Specific subsidies (however the implementation is) can be provided to a limited number of people based on geographies or industries. I would imagine logistics service providers and other transport operators should have access to fuel subsidies. Small-time farming and fisheries probably should be subsidized too.

Public transport: government to fund rail transport directly

The current state of public transport is deplorable, and part of the problem is that rail service providers are putting financial rather than service performance first. That financial focus is part of the reason city rail policy in the country has become a bit of a real estate play, rather than about moving people around efficiently.

It is time we admit public transport, city rail in this current state especially, are financially nonviable. While admitting so, we must take into account those rail services are a public good.

With these two things in mind, the government should directly fund these rail services, and reform various rail service providers’ key performance indices from financial-based, to primarily performance-based. (Let us not play with paper-shifting accounting anymore and get serious about public transport).

Besides, for all intends and purposes, these services are already funded by the government indirectly through committed guarantees. It is just that too many people are in denial about public transport finances in Malaysia (see the chart below for the 2023 Fiscal Outlook report, which is the result of lasting reporting reforms made in 2018-2020. Observe commitment linked to DanaInfra, Prasarana and Malaysia Rail Link). They hide behind accounting standards to avoid the truth: the government is already funding these rail services through convoluted means.

This however does not mean public transport is free, but it should be cheap enough, particularly with respect to costs of private vehicle ownership.

Which rail services should under this? I am thinking primarily monorail, LRT and MRT in KL.

Public transport: Postpone MRT3 and HSR to later years when ridership demand is more appropriate, and improve existing rail services instead

Given the current state of rail transport usage and efficiency in Kuala Lumpur, I am unconvinced of the need for MRT3 at the moment. I rather wait until the current rail system nears full or even three-fourths capacity before moving ahead with MRT3. At the same time, with the ringgit weakening, it might be a good idea to control government-induced imports: MRT3 and HSR would definitely need large imports that would exacerbate the situation we are in.

I also am not too warm about having new city rail services in other cities. There are very few cities in Malaysia that have enough population to rationalize building a new city rail line.

As for HSR, I rather we strengthen and expand KTMB’s ETS.

For ECRL, it is too late to do anything about it. But I suppose, the long run goal is to integrate it into KTMB. We should streamline such rail service instead of fragmentizing them.

At the same time, improvement in services will require purchases of new assets. This, obviously, has to be done through open tender. No more sweet deal with China-based companies, which has proven to be overpriced in the long-term despite appearing cheap at the outset.

Furthermore, improving existing rail services would be a chance to further develop Malaysia’s industrial capacity, instead of importing from China technology that we already have.

Public transport: More bus services, and bus lanes in the cities

To improve public transport around in cities all around the countries, buses are likely the most cost-effective ways doing it. And it is flexible unlike rail. Focus on buses instead of rail should keep Malaysia’s transport policy from ballooning the way it has (without the associated improved performance) in the past decades.

Two things:

  1. For buses operated by Rapid, the same government-funded model used in rail applies. These are city-buses.
  2. For buses run by private entities, the government to subsidize fares given some service-level requirements. This is likely applicable in small cities, and interstate services, which do not compete with government-provided services. This should also help with rural buses, where low ridership might kill off services.

It is also time to consider dedicated bus lanes on existing roads. Here, we have Jakarta to learn from. More bus lanes will also discourage private car use in the city, by taking lanes away from private vehicles.

Highway: No new highways in the Klang Valley

With the exception of Sabah and Sarawak, and some parts of the East Coast, the Peninsular West Coast probably does not need new highways (particularly so the Klang Valley). So, no need highways in the Klang Valley.

Tolls: Congestion charges in the cities

I prefer to have congestion charges in the cities. This also means no abolition of tolls, or lower of tolls outside of congestion charges model (abolition of toll means the barrier of switching from private vehicles to public transport will be higher and we need to avoid that). The implementation of total congestion charges may have to come with stages and the easiest is probably to wait for all the concession to end and have the government, or the relevant city authorities take it over. This is probably most relevant for KL and its satellites, and possibly George Town too.

For interstate tolled highways, I am ambivalent. We could keep the current system, but refrains from seasonal toll discounts.

Tolls: payment methods

There are too many lanes for different payment methods.

Makes all lanes capable of accepting all payment methods. Also, no express lanes. Everybody should line up and wait for their turns.

Private vehicle ownership/etc

I am going to list down several items without much elaboration:

  • Doubling (tripling) of excise duties on luxury vehicles for carbon emissions
  • Banning of large vehicles (i.e. pick-up trucks) for individual uses for carbon emissions and safety concerns
  • Banning of white headlamps for safety concerns
  • Cash for clunkers program to address emissions and safety concerns
  • I am ambivalent about this, but we possibly need ideas on investment for electric vehicle infrastructure.

Aviation

Yes, refunds mean refunding in cash, not in funny credits. This shall be the law.

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2957] Pakatan Harapan should avoid kitchen sink manifesto

Election is nearing and among policy-minded voters, it is not difficult to spot manifesto discussions. As someone with some implementation experience in government, let me say the last Pakatan Harapan manifesto was difficult. I knew this before I was pulled into the whole business: I reviewed the manifesto and summarized it as the following: the economic plank was “difficult to stomach wholly” but the other parts, particularly the institutional agenda, were what we needed. Given my concerns were institutional in nature, I was willing to give a blind eye to the economic plank, and support the institutional aspect wholly.

Looking back, the economic manifesto rode on popular anger quite effectively. That explained the kitchen sink approach taken by its authors. GST, monopoly, living costs, corporate corruption and other concerns were all meshed into one big document, which did not jive together. The authors knew what they wanted.

Unfortunately, riding the wave, and actually executing the policies were two very different things. Mahathir famously said ‘we’ did not expect to win, and so did not expect to implement those promises. Manifesto bukan kitab suci; manifesto isn’t a holy book. That highlighted the difficulties associated with the economic aspects of the manifesto, especially after GST was abolished just weeks after the 2018 election, and more importantly, before the Finance Minister was sworn in to bring SST back.

The next election, Pakatan Harapan can do better. They need to do better because the same mid-2010s anger is no longer there. There is little to match that economic anger, save the stubborn but relaxing global food prices and rising recession risks.

If I were to write the manifesto all by myself, I would reiterate the institutional aspects and reuse a good chunk for the 2022/2023 general election, and come up with a new one for the economic side. On the economics, I would reject the 2018 kitchen sink approach. I would instead set up overarching national goals. What do I mean by that?

In the kitchen sink approach, almost everything economic-related concerns were siloed off with little concerns to bigger concerns. One way to put it simply is that the proposed solutions were necessarily single-minded and siloed that the same proposed solutions ignored their effects on other things, like government finances and economic growth. At the implementation stage, at times this left those solutions contradicting each other, leaving individuals implementing those siloed solutions fighting each other and accusing the other side as blocking manifesto fulfillment. For instance, when Pakatan Harapan abolished GST without regards to policy sequencing, notwithstanding the previous problem with refunds (truly, the additional government revenue was lowered than BN admitted), how exactly the government would finance other parts of its economic promises? PTPTN? Highways? Petrol subsidies?

As you can see, the kitchen sink approach works from funding supply first, and then effectively takes the funding demand as an afterthought. This caused the troubles Mahathir identified so early. You ended up with insufficient funding supply to meet rising funding demand.

In the overarching national goals, it should work the other way round: start from funding demand-side first, and then work the funding supply-side afterwards.

To do this, we have to ask ourselves, what do we want for Malaysia?

Do we want to maintain our largely free, government revenue-financed healthcare system?

Do we want a welfare system given the damage Covid-19 has done to the financial security of many Malaysians?

Do we want a good education system? What kind?

Do we want better cities? Transport policy?

Do we want stronger defense?

Do we want to climate change infrastructure? Energy policy?

What?

This requires deep discussions among many parties, from lay users to experts. It has to be multidisciplinary, exactly so to avoid the silo problem that the 2018 Pakatan Harapan manifesto suffered (and contemporaneously, the Ministry of Health’s ongoing white paper).

And this way, we can be honest when it comes to taxation: taxes have to rise.

The truth few willing to say loudly because it is unpopular is that the Malaysia government lacks funding to do a whole lot of things due to low taxation. We can raise the deficit ratio, but even so it would not be enough to meet various legitimate demand associated with basic functions of government like health and defense (let us not talk about unorthodox fairy tales about ‘printing money’). For a country aspiring to be a “first-world” with worsening demography (but still young), our tax (and the bigger government) revenue to GDP ratio is low. That fact has caused unnecessary outsourcing of basic functions to the private sector. The same fact is the reason behind a whole lot of off-budget borrowings and spendings, which are nontransparent and significantly raises corruption risk in an environment where underfunded institutions cannot play their check-and-balance role properly.

To tell this truth, you have to tell the funding demand-side story: what do you want?

Of course, not all wants can be entertained lest the same problems besetting the 2018 manifesto would come back. You cannot want a well-run public transport system while wanting blanket petrol subsidies and eye-roll-worthy car duties cut. You cannot want a working revenue-funded health system while supporting tax cut for private insurance and spending at private hospitals. You cannot want a fully-funded education system while supporting tax cut for private education institutions. You cannot want a healthy Malaysian population but keep sugar cheap. You cannot want a good road while wanting a low road tax and cheap petrol.

Manifesto authors have to choose instead of putting everything into the kitchen sink. Here is where leadership is needed: decide on the policy direction instead of a Hail Mary rush.

And also, of course, manifesto has to be popular. It has to have its hooks. But those populist promises can be brought in line with the overarching themes. For example, have public transport cheap, with discount and vouchers and everything, and admit the system will always be in the red, to which the government will have to fully fund it directly (leaving financial performance for public transport system second in priority to physical performance).

Be direct about the funding demand, and through that, we can be honest about funding supply, and taxation.

I should add that the institutional aspect of the 2018 manifesto worked because it had an overarching goal: improving the overall check-and-balance mechanism and all of them are linked to one another in one way or another. It was not a kitchen sink.

To summarize it all: the next manifesto should be driven by overarching goals, instead of a laundry list of grouses. In other words, do not throw everything into the kitchen sink.

Categories
Politics & government

[2867] Assessing Pakatan Harapan’s manifesto for the 2018 general election

So, how would I rate Pakatan Harapan’s massive manifesto for the 2018 general election?

I generally agree with the conclusion reached by the people at the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs. Pakatan’s institutional reform agenda is impressive, and it satisfies my demand enough. But its economic proposals are difficult to stomach wholly.

Pakatan’s economic side may suffer from credibility crisis because the coalition has multiple big pushes that will affect government revenue negatively (namely GST abolition, income tax reduction, greater sharing of petroleum royalty with the states, sharing of income tax with the states) while committing to big expenditure plans (free tertiary education, the return of fuel subsidy albeit more targeted and highway concession takeover). This will strain government finances. Pakatan should be prepared to put a cost on these measures and cite the potential sources of financing for these policies. These are big changes that will take time to carry out. It can work, but with very careful planning. A very gradual sequencing could be very important.

But I believe at this stage Malaysia needs institutional reforms more than yet another boost in our short-term growth. Stability is important, but at the same time long-run prosperity will depend on our institutions and our social capital, without which our economic achievement might be short lived. Sometimes we need to slow down and reassess what we have. In this flawed democracy that we have, perhaps populism has to be engaged first before the reforms could be made.

You need to win the election first. That is the ultimate objective, as obvious as it sounds. The manifesto has to be taken as a whole. And so, weighing the two, I will give the manifesto a thumb up.

I have a wishlist. I am naturally disappointed some of them are not taken up, but also happy that some others are included in the manifesto. This is a democracy. Some compromises are inevitable however disappointing and discouraging.

Another thing, while we judge parties by their promises and their ability to fulfill it, we also have to take into account things they do not mention and will not do. I think a lot of people out there do not quite realize the importance of which sides would not do what. Too many are focused on what political parties explicitly said they would do. What they would not do could be just as important as what they would do.

Here, I try to assess all the manifesto points made by Pakatan. Before we go there, I would like to apologize for any typo and grammatical problems. The manifesto is very, very long and hard to read. It took me two days to properly finish it. Once I got to the end, I had lost all interest in editing this post.

I will say this. The document needs a bit formatting. It is too massive to be easily read. I take the size of the document as a sign of growing maturity of the two-party system in Malaysia, as well as the complexity of working with too many people. After all, this is an actual organization of diverse people, not a hashtag.

Well then, let us get on with business. There are five main pillars:

  1. Reducing living costs
  2. Institutional reforms
  3. Exciting economic growth with fair distribution
  4. Returning powers to Sabah and Sarawak
  5. Buillding an inclusive and moderate Malaysia

There are other minor sections, but I will skip that.

So, knock yourself out.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

Core 1: Reducing living costs Summary: I feel a large part of this section is difficult to swallow whole. Abolishing GST and reintroducing fuel subsidies are a step backward. Meanwhile, I feel measures on PTPTN needs more thinking, although there is no easy solution to it; the current model does not work well. Nevertheless, there are some good points here and I like the anti-monopoly position taken. There is also a nod to renting as a solution, a good counter to the madness of homeownership culture.

  1. Abolish the GST. I oppose and my reasoning is here. There is a better way to do this.
  2. Reduce inflation. It is difficult to give a yes-no answer here.
    • I like the anti-monopoly position taken. I would have vested greater power and independence into the Competition Commission, while promising to expand its resources.
    • I like the excise duties reduction for low-powered cars. But on cars, such policy must come together with fuel tax to address usage.
    • I am of two minds about the abolition of tolled highways. By default, I oppose it because I believe in pay-as-you-go approach to limit usage costs to actual users. But the issue is complex. Some abolition might be cheaper for everybody (in positive externality sense) because the political pressure to keep toll charges unchanged and the subsequent compensation that must be paid to private operators might be more expensive than an outright takeover by the government. Furthermore, as far as Kuala Lumpur (and Penang as well?) is concerned, I would not mind if such takeover functions as a precursor to a systematic congestion charge system, like in Singapore.
    • The implicit reliance of price control tools is a downer, but that is nothing different from what is happening right now.
    • On the ringgit, all I can say, politely, leave it to the central bank. The executive branch of government should have limited say in on this matter and the independence of the central bank must be guarded so jealously.
  3. Share the wealth. This is another point where it is not so clear-cut.
    • Continuation and more importantly, the depoliticization of the cash transfer program BR1M is a plus. I would have added a rule-based program, rather than continue with the discretionary method used today. A rule-based program with automatic transfer, in my opinion, is the best depoliticization tool around. The manifesto is silent on the exact method to achieve depoliticization.
    • Establishing universal safety net is admirable, but it may require more hashing out. Malaysia has a fragmented system that needs to be merged systematically. I have a feeling BN will come out with a more sophisticated version of this promise, especially because they have access to the relevant professionals and experts by virtue of being the government of the day. I know several programs the BN government plans to roll out in the long term and they are generally good.
    • Streamline and centralize welfare data. This is good for efficiency and as part of the safety net system.
    • I think I can support reallocating more petroleum royalties to the states. I think this is probably better than what Sarawak, Najib and Barisan Nasional are doing with Petros and related matters. Nevertheless, I wonder if this is the best way, given Pakatan’s other set of promises.
  4. Introduce affordable homes and rent-to-own scheme. I generally support this.
    • I support rent-to-own scheme, as a way to steer current homeownership culture to a more sustainable system.
    • I support anti-monopoly measures on land by putting a limit how long a developer can own an undeveloped land. But I fear, this might not be enough, because the state themselves make money by selling land to fill up its own coffer. This goes back to the separate issue of state revenue.
    • I oppose incentives given to small developers. My support for anti-monopoly measures does not translate into giving out business goodies to the small guys.
    • I support developing Islamic grant land (waqaf) as new residential areas. A digression: these waqaf lands most of times are unproductive and untaxable. More effort should be done to make them productive, while discouraging the creation of new waqaf. In fact, I would support the taxation of waqaf land, with the exception of very few cases. I would also slap all waqaf land with a 99 years tenure, which later must be returned to the state, which its status converted automatically to conventional land, except when the state agrees otherwise.
    • Proposal to redo PR1MA is unclear.
    • I support the creation of a master housing authority to streamline and absorb all housing government bodies so that we can have a more consistent approach/policy.
  5. Reduce living costs for the youth. 
    • I am undecided about delay in PTPTN repayment. There are 3 specific suggestions deserving attention:
      • Pakatan wants a program where borrowers would only pay back once their gross income hits RM4,000 per month. I think this good for the borrowers (financial problems faced by young graduates is a problem) but I am a bit concerned with the sustainability of PTPTN. The fund, even right now, appears unsustainable and this would force PTPTN to finance their long-term assets with more short-term liability (it is already doing so). The interest differential under this suggestion would exacerbate PTPTN current problem. PTPTN currently is unsustainable without massive government support and I do not see Pakatan (or BN for that matter) addressing this problem, which could turn into a monster. I see a gargantuan bailout, regardless who is the government of the day, sometime in the future. The sooner we solve this, the better.
      • Discount or debt forgiveness for high-achievers. Disagree, because this group of people are the ones most able to pay back their loans. If they get discount, that means PTPTN would have an extremely high ratio of bad borrowers in their books. Sounds like a bad business model made worse. But I understand PTPTN is not a business, but again, its sustainability is a problem and giving out discount exacerbates it. It might be better double down on it by gradually do a debt forgiveness or even heavy discounting for all with a view to close the fund down, rather than exacerbate the unsustainablility of PTPTN. This will be extremely expensive one way or another.
      • Incentive for employers that somehow help their employees payback their PTPTN loans. I am unclear about this to have an informed opinion.
    • Marriage incentives. I am ambivalent. I prefer baby bonus.
    • Job creation promise. I do not see details.
    • A cross-Asean labor mobility program for young graduate. As a regionalist, I support this.
    • Reduction in internet cost. I support and this will go back to controlling monopoly. I am looking at you Telekom.
  6. Abolishing tolled roads. This an expansion to the same point above but, explained in greater details. It says Pakatan would reassess all concession agreements, and on case-by-case basis, end toll collection. Put it this way, I might be more agreeable to such takeover.
  7. Introduce targeted fuel subsidy. I oppose. Expensive in cost. Expensive in implementation. I have been opposing fuel subsidy for the longest time, and I have been pro-cash transfer as a replacement of such subsidy since at least 2010. We should improve on the cash transfer instead of returning back to an inefficient policy. Pakatan wants to use better identification technology to design a targeted subsidy regime, but economically, cash transfer is more efficient in the sense that it is cheaper and more welfare enhancing. You can increase the cash size for poorer folks. I do not mind that. Just do not revert to the inferior solution.
  8. Improve public transport. Generally agree but this section feels too focused on bus and lacks other solutions like congestion charges, bus lanes, etc. I do not feel it is as comprehensive as it should be.
    • More bus through concessions, with profitable routes subsidizing less profitable ones. I agree, although I would add the routes (profitable ones paired with the less attractive ones) should be opened to transparent bidding by interested parties. But I think what is missing here are bus lanes.
    • Cost reduction for bus license. Okay I guess, for it reduces the operation costs for bus as a means of public transport.
    • 10,000 additional buses on the road by the end of the first term of a Pakatan government. I am unsure about the number, but perhaps it is in the right direction.
    • Monthly public transport pass. Agree.
    • One-pass-for-all approach for the pass. Agree, only if it reduces costs relative existing native system. And oh, no TnG.
    • Ridesharing services. I am leaning towards disagree. Pakatan wants to encourage the sector. I think apart from making protecting drivers’ rights and the necessary laws to make the sector legal and safe, maybe the government should stay out of it. Let Grab and Uber or anybody else handles it. No need to give out extra incentives. I do not want to give out sweets here. They can survive on their own.
  9. Improve quality and access to health services. I am unclear or ambivalent about the measures. Some proposals are too general that one goes meh, while some are too specific that I would prefer to ask an actual doctor for his or her opinion.
    • Promise of 4% of GDP spending on health care versus 2% currently. Cool, but what would they spend on?
    • RM500 health voucher for treatment at private clinics. Sounds great, but at the back of my mind, I think there will be tons of abuse by the doctors. I can agree with the proposal if I could be convinced there is a mechanism to detect the abuse and punish the abuser.
    • Allocation and incentives for private companies and welfare bodies to treat rare diseases. I do not know enough to have an opinion here.
    • Focus on noncommunicable disease. Feels too general to merit a response.
    • More resources for mental health. Agreed although more details are required.
    • Compulsory pneumococcal vaccination. I do not know and I am not going to google that.
    • Incentive for palliative care centers. Agreed given Malaysia is ageing but may want to guard against an oversupply of such centers. I do not want such centers to cater foreigners, which is sort of becoming a big business in Malaysia with clients from places like Korea and Japan. Government funding, in this particular case, should be reserved for Malaysians only.
    • Reduce houseman waiting time. I am undecided. I have heard horror story that shortening it might not be a good idea.
    • Medical scholarship abroad to be limited. Agreed. After several conversations with doctors, the quality of a lot of foreign graduates in medicine is pretty bad. I found this shocking but began to understand later that those would could not quality into medical programs in Malaysia generally go outside to get their degree at foreign universities with low reputation. Digressing altogether, there needs to be a qualifying exam (is there already?) for foreign graduates intending to become a doctor in Malaysia.
  10. Guarantee basic food supply and farmers’ welfare. This will make me sound bad, but I largely oppose it. While I support “food security” measures, I oppose self-sufficiency for the costs it imposes on the majority.
    • Introducing tech to farmers. Agreed, but I am unsure if this is any different from current practice.
    • Abolition of rice monopoly by Bernas. Agreed although its abolition should not give rise to other monopolies, private or otherwise. I would suggest a no quota, free imports market.
    • Tight control over rice imports. I oppose. The deltas of Irrawandy, Chao Phraya and Mekong produce tons of rice that could produce the foodstuffs very cheaply. Farmers’ can be aided in other ways, perhaps through diversification away from paddy planting.
    • Cash aid for purchases of farming supplies. I am unsure about this.
    • Aid for disasters for farmers and fishermen. It does not say it so explicitly how, but I think I can support a government-funded income insurance for the groups.
    • Establishment of rubber reserves to control the price of rubber. I oppose. When I read this, it reminds me of Thailand’s disastrous rice reserves.

Core 2: Reforming national institutions Summary: This is perhaps the best part of the manifesto. Direct, clear and what I think this country needs at this juncture so badly. I disagree with very few points only.

  1. Empower the Malay institutions. As I said, Core 2 is the best part of the manifesto. But it is unfortunate that it begins with a section that gives out recommendations that I on average oppose.
    • Empower the sultans and the rajas as a check to the executive. Oppose because I am aware of… checks gone wrong here. I prefer for us to empower other non-royal bodies for check-and-balance purposes.
    • Return religious affairs back to the state and federal intervention removed. Agreed but perhaps with multiple reservations which I will not mention. These reservations could be addressed by a strong federal guarantee on civil liberties and the supremacy of the civil courts over all religious authorities.
    • Establish a consultative body on national harmony. Agree.
    • Encourage research into Malay studies. Okay-lah.
    • Upgrade the Royal Museum into a research center. Okay-lah.
    • Safeguard Malay reserves. I am unsure of this because such status affects the land value adversely. I do not have a solution for this, so I will reserve my judgment. A way has to be figured out to develop certain places, like Kampung Bahru and Kampung Datuk Keramat in Kuala Lumpur.
    • Selected government-owned companies would be prepared for management buyout to raise Malay and bumiputra equity percentage. I oppose. Is there anything special about MBO that I am missing? But MBO could easily go wrong in the cronyism kind of way. I feel it is better to float such companies, and have PNB handle the equity concerns.
    • Table annual status report on the Malay and Islam. Unsure if this is a good idea, but I do not oppose it.
  2. Limit the PM’s terms and reform the PMO. Agreed wholly.
    • 2-term limits on the PM and CM offices. Agreed. In fact, they should enforce this immediately at the state level, regardless whether Pakatan wins Putrajaya.
    • PM to hold no other office. Agreed. This separates the roles of the PM and the finance minister.
    • Reducing the number of ministers in the PMO with functions absorbed by the relevant ministries. Agreed.
    • Reducing allocation for PMO. Agreed.
    • Reducing the number of agencies under the PMO and reassign these agencies to the relevant ministries or bodies. Agreed.
  3. Address scandals in 1MDB, Felda, Mara and Tabung Haji. Agreed wholly.
    • Credible investigation in to the scandals. Agreed.
    • Legal prosecution. Agreed. I would add a promise to throw that crook into prison.
    • Depoliticization and professionalization of these bodies. Agreed.
  4. Reform Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission. Agreed wholly with additional suggestions.
    • MACC to be placed under the authority of the Parliament, instead of within the PM Department. Agreed.
    • Security of tenure for commissioners. Agreed, if it means they cannot be removed earlier than their term expiry. The term expiry needs to be longer than the term of the parliament, possibly 7 years to increase its independence from the executive.
    • Reforming the Whistleblower Act, Official Secret Act and Witness Protection Act. Agreed. My suggestion is that whistleblower protection should include protection from legal prosecution under any laws, and avenues of legitimate whistleblowing to include, perhaps among others, the press.
    • Compulsory asset and income declaration for all MPs, senators and top civil servants. I would include those at the state levels too.
    • Joining Open Government Partnership. Agreed.
  5. Make the Attorney-General more independent. Agreed wholly with additional suggestions.
    • Splitting the AG chamber into the public prosecutor office and the government’s legal advisor office. Agreed.
    • A qualified MP to be appointed as the legal advisor, who will be a minister. Agreed.
    • Public prosecutor to be independent of party politics. Agreed but I would suggest his or her appointment must be approved by the Parliament with tenure longer than 5 years. I propose a tenure of 7 years
  6. Empower the Parliament. Agreed largely, with additional suggestions.
    • Speakers of the Parliament to be appointed among the members of the House/Senate. I think I disagree but such disagreement may be a matter of definition. I prefer for the Speakers to be elected directly, just like in the UK.
    • Speakers to cannot be a member of any political party. Agreed.
    • Establish a committee to address members’ complaints against the speaker. Agreed.
    • Opposition leader to be a cabinet member. Agreed.
    • Transparent state funding for all MPs. Agreed. I would include the Senators too.
    • Compulsory minimum 100 day sittings a year. Agreed.
    • Establish select committee to keep all ministries in check. Agreed.
    • Top positions to Human Rights Commission, Election Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission, etc to be confirmed by the Parliament. Agreed but I would add their tenure must be longer than 5 years to make them independent of the Parliament after their appointed. Seven is a good number. I do not want to have an overly powerful Parliament that if they become corrupt like during the Cromwell days, then there would be no recourse. It is important for these positions to be independent of the executive and the legislature after their appointment.
    • Select committees to have the power to call major government regulators in for questioning. Agreed but I would say the committees should have the power to call anybody for questioning, the jail time for failure to attend any hearing.
    • Public Accounts Committee chairman to be appointed from opposition MP. Agreed.
    • Compulsory public feedback for all bills. Agreed.
    • The number of all state senators must always be greater than federally-appointed members. Agreed. But here, I am disappointed there is no move to have election for all senators.
    • Publication of board membership on all companies by all MPs and senators. Agreed.
  7. Guarantee the integrity of the electoral system. I do not object. But the proposals do not go far enough to my liking. I prefer the first-pass-the-post method be replaced with proportional representation.
    • Creating a permanent committee on caretaker government. Agreed.
    • Instituting previous electoral recommendations from Bersih and Ideas. Agreed.
    • Cleaning up the electoral roll, improving voting process and minimum 21 days official campaigning period. Agreed.
    • Lowering voting age to 18. Agreed.
    • Automatic registration. Agreed.
    • Guaranteed access for all registered party to state tv and radio. Agreed.
    • Anti-malapportionment and gerrymandering measures. Agreed.
  8. Establish political financing mechanism. Agreed wholly.
    • Pass an act to make sure political financing is transparent and legal. Agreed.
    • Provide state financing for political parties. Agreed.
    • List out all legitimate financing sources. Agreed. I would also ban foreign financing, and provide protection for all local sources. No tax break for this purpose. I would also put a ceiling a corporation could donate.
    • Financing reporting each year. Agreed.
    • RM1 billion limit on assets held by political party. Agreed.
    • No government-linked companies are allowed to give political contribution. Agreed.
  9. Instill trust in the judiciary. It’s okay. I think there is also a need to reform how the AG has a say in the appointment of lower judges, which the manifesto is silent on. I want that to go away.
    • Merit-based promotion without interference from the Prime Minister. Agreed.
    • Improvement in wages, bonuses and incentives for judges. Ambivalent.
    • Parliament select committee to have a say in judge appointment. Agreed.
  10. Instill trust in the police and the military. Largely agreed.
    • Increase in funding for the police. Ambivalent.
    • Decentralization of the police force. Ambivalent.
    • Establish IPCMC. Agreed.
    • Special branch to have its political policing role removed while focusing on domestic security, terrorism and organized crime. Agreed.
    • Reforming pension for the police force. Agreed. There are no details, but it has to be contribution-defined benefits.
    • State financing for ex-police/military associations. Ambivalent.
  11. Empower the civil service. Too general.
    • Depoliticize the civil service. This feels too general to be meaningful.
    • Limits on external consultants participation in policymaking. I am unsure if this is good because there are a lot of good people outside of the civil service. But it is clearly a response to the Pemandu experience.
    • Merit-based promotion. Agreed.
    • Instilling out of the box culture. Is this a manifesto item?
  12. Improve governance at GLCs. Mixed.
    • Improving governance in troubled GLCs. Agreed but too general.
    • GLCs to be active in sectors with market-failure and not compete with others. Unsure. From the way it is worded, the author does not understand the concept of market failure.
    • Management buyout for GLCs to increase bumiputra equity level. I oppose.
    • Politicians to not sit on GLC board. Agreed.
    • GLCs to have bumiputra vendor program. Opposed.
    • Establish a select committee to vet GLC’s financial performances. Agreed.
  13. Improve government procurement. Wholly agreed.
    • Wider used of open tender system. Agreed. You know what would be awesome? Ratifying the new TPP government procurement chapter.
    • Revise recent infrastructure contracts given out to foreign firms. Agreed.
    • UKAS to be transferred to MOF from PMD. Agreed.
    • Wider use of IT system to avoid the role of discretionary in contract awards. Agreed, with reservations.
    • Share a public list of all government contracts awarded, along with relevant financial information. Agreed.
    • Support for SMEs to navigate the bidding process. Agreed.
  14. Realizing federalism. Agreed, with some reservations.
    • Limit changes to the ninth schedule to prevent the strengthening of the federal government vis-a-vis the states. Agreed.
    • Decentralize services. Partially agreed. Some of the areas mentioned may need federal powers. For instance, I do not trust the state in managing the forest due to its incentives to encourage timber production. The federal government needs to check some powers invested in the state.
    • Each state to enjoy 10% of income tax collected from the state residents. Agreed but may need to lower the amount.
    • 50% of development expenditure to be directed to the five poorest states in the next three years. Partially agreed. The figure might be too high but I have not done the calculation to have a firm opinion on the matter.
  15. Empowering the local council. Agreed, although I feel the promise of “mengukuhkan demokrasi setempat” is a bit vague. May need to wait for the English version to come out. I would take that as reintroducing local election, but I could be wrong.
  16. Protecting human rights. Agreed wholly.
    • Members of the Malaysian human rights boards to be appointed by the Parliament. Agreed.
    • Improve Malaysia’s standing at the Universal Periodic Review. Agreed.
    • Greater funding for human rights bodies. Agreed.
    • Upgrade the powers of Malaysia’s representative to the Asean human rights body. Agreed.
    • Ratification of various agreements regarding human rights. Agreed.
  17. Abolish oppressive laws. Largely agreed.
    • Abolish Sedition Act, Crime Prevention Act, University and College University Act, Printing and Publication Act, National Security Council Act. Agreed although I am unsure if Crime Prevention and University and College University Acts should be abolished. I think maybe an amendment is suffice.
    • Amend laws relating to public assembly. Agreed.
    • Amend Communication and Multimedia Act. Agreed.
    • Amend SOSMA. Agreed.
    • Amend Peaceful Assembly Act. Agreed.
    • Amend POTA. Agreed.
    • Amend laws to allow the courts to revise decisions by the government. Agreed.
    • Professionalize RTM and Bernama. Agreed.
    • Media ombudsman to be established. Agreed.
  18. Abolish BTN and PLKN. Agreed wholly.
  19. Increase transparency to the budget process. Agreed.
    • Midyear review of budget at the Parliament. Agreed.
    • Implement accrual accounting to government finances. I will leave to this to accountants.
    • Centralize all data on off-budget spending. Agreed.
    • Stats department to publish machine-friendly data. Agreed, but might be irrelevant under this section as most of data from the department is unrelated to the budget process. Fiscal data usually comes from the Finance Ministry.

Core 3: Economic growth and equality Summary: I feel I could see Bersatu’s influence the strongest here. I think I am mostly 50-50 here.

  1. Raise national economic growth. Mixed.
    • Maintain an open economy. Agreed.
    • Support SMEs. Mixed.
    • Support bumiputra economic activities. Mixed.
    • Publish the latest bumiputra equity holdings in the market and do a yearly report on it. Agreed.
    • Bumiputra economic NGOs to be official dialog partners. Opposed. What is the significance of being dialog partners? I feel they should not be given special access to the government.
    • Focus on achieving Wawasan 2020. Ambivalent.
  2. Encourage investment and simplifying business and trade. Agreed.
    • Participation in Asean-linked agreement and RCEP. Agreed. I hope this also means ratification of the TPP.
    • Proceed with bilateral with the EU. Agreed.
    • Focus on attracting high-quality investment from China, but with safeguard especially with it comes to public infrastructure projects. Agreed.
    • Business associations to have access to the ministries and the relevant agencies. I am unsure why this needs to be mentioned.
    • MPC to be given power to cut red tapes to increase productivity. Agreed.
    • Encourage women participation in the labor force. Agreed. But wrong section.
    • Increase English competency in the labor force. Agreed.
  3. Revamp the taxation system. Leaning towards opposing it.
    • Revamp personal income, corporate income and other taxes. Unclear what the revamping entails. I would suggest closing all the tax holidays/incentives for old industries.
    • Reduce tax rate for small businesses. Mixed. Malaysian tax rates are already quite low relative to most countries in the world.
    • Cut income tax for the middle 40%. Opposed. Such cut cannot come together with abolition of GST or an equivalent tax cut in consumption tax.
  4. Establish Equal Opportunities Commission. Agreed. This is important to move beyond affirmative action/positive discrimination and address negative hiring discrimination in the public and the private sectors.
  5. Raise household income. Oppose most of the measures.
    • Raise economic growth and provide safety net for low-income workers. Too general.
    • Standardize minimum wage across Malaysia. Opposed.
    • Raising minimum wage to RM1,500 monthly. Mildly opposed. I think the orthodox view is that 40% MW of median wage should be okay and RM1,500 and below should not affect market rates that much.
    • Government to subsidize RM250 of the minimum wage. Mixed. With the abolition of the GST, and further proposed cuts in income tax, the raise in expenditure might be too much. I need to see its projected total cost to decide.
    • Reducing foreign labour to 4 million from 6 million within 3 years. Opposed. The impact of reducing 2 million work within that short timeframe can cause a recession. There is already a shortage of workers in Malaysia in multiple sectors.
    • More efficient zakat aid for the needy. Agreed, but no details.
    • Special agency to distribute BR1M. Mixed. I am unconvinced of the need to have a special agency for that. The document does say the agency might be a genesis of a safety net system. I prefer a migration towards negative income tax system, which will make BR1M redundant.
  6. Create quality jobs. Agreed. The point on work rights for refugees is particularly brave and the right thing to do.
    • Reintroduce unions and collective barganing at workplace. Agreed.
    • Create 1 million quality jobs. Unsure.
    • Free retraining for new economy. Okay, maybe.
    • Legalizing and allow refugees to work in Malaysia. Agreed.
    • Subsidized child creches throughout the country to encourage labour participation. Agreed.
  7. Introduce EPF for homemakers. Opposed. Cash flow can be as important as savings. If you do not have enough cash flow while starving, savings that could only be tapped into 30-40 years from now will not be useful. I support if it is voluntary.
  8. Guaranteeing public finance sustainability. Agreed.
    • Preventing the government from taking public funds money. Agreed, without quibbling too much with the presumption here.
    • Revamp KWAN. I am unsure what the revamp is, and how their proposal is different from current setup.
    • Allocate RM60 million yearly to New Villages, from RM20 million now. Ambivalent.
    • Soft loans for small businesses in rural areas. Ambivalent.
  9. Protecting Orang Asli. Agreed.
    • JAKOA to be led by an Orang Asli. Agreed.
    • Implement Suhakam’s recommendation relating to Orang Asli’s land. Agreed.
    • Renegotiate Orang Asli’s land rights affected by land development schemes. Agreed.
    • Demarcation of Orang Asli’s land. Agreed.
    • Bringing public utilities and services to Orang Asli’s settlements. Agreed.
    • Funds to preserve and promote Orang Asli’s culture. Agreed.
  10. Stronger environmental protection. Largely agreed.
    • Enforcement of timber quota. Agreed. This will need federal power, which may call for a slow down in some decentralization proposals.
    • 40% carbon reduction by 2020. That sounds unrealistic. It is also unclear. 40% of what and when?
    • Source of renewable energy to be increased to 20% from 2% by 2025. Agreed, but that may require lots of dams.
    • Establish a climate change body to focus government response to the phenomenon. Agreed.
    • Taman Negara as a World Heritage Site. Ambivalent.

Core 4: Sabah and Sarawak Summary: Largely agreed, but there are multiple points that may suggest the manifesto decentralizes power by too much, and ignores the sustainability of the federal government finances.

  1. Establish a commission to review and implement the 1963 Malaysia Agreement. Agreed, mostly on the reviewing part. Implementation may depend on the reviews.
  2. Encourage economic growth. The section is a misnomer. It is more about royalties and rural development. 50-50.
    • Increase state share of petroleum to 20% from current 5%. Leaning towards opposition. Opposed. Government revenue will take a big hit in conjunction with abolition of GST and cuts in income tax. If the share is increased, it will be hard for the federal government to raise expenditure in Sabah and Sarawak.
    • Radically expand clean water supply in the interior. Agreed.
    • Better road access to the towns and the interior. Agreed although I am concerned how this will affect forest cover.
    • Build a trans-Borneo rail service. Agreed.
    • Review PDA to allow Sarawak have a petroleum company of its own. Opposed.
    • Pan-Borneo Highway. Agreed.
  3. Create Job opportunities. Mixed.
    • Borneonization of public agencies located in the states. Mixed. It is good to have a good mix. There are Sabah and Sarawak people working in the peninsula and Borneorization might segregate people unnecessarily, taking these people to fill up positions at home.
    • Establish an industrialization fund in Sabah and Sarawak. Agreed.
  4. Make Sabah and Sarawak as model society. Very fluffy. Not worth writing much.
    • Student exchange programs between the peninsula and Sabah-Sarawak. Agreed.
  5. Improve education and health services. Largely agreed, but there is a bad idea here.
    • State government to have the right to decide on education services. Agreed although there has to be certain requirements that the state must adhere to.
    • Parents to get options on the teaching medium. Agreed.
    • Local content in school syllabus. Agreed.
    • Upgrade of all Borneo hospitals. Agreed.
    • GLCs to contribute to upgrades of schools and clinics. Opposed. Let the government use the tax money to do so. It is not the responsibility of the GLCs to do this. It is the government’s.
    • Introduce health insurance in the rural areas. Agreed.
  6. Protect rural welfare. Largely agreed.
    • Reduce bureaucracy when it comes to birth registration. Agreed.
    • Encourage the use of microdams, solar and biogas power in the interior. Agreed.
  7. Defending the sovereignty of Sabah and Sarawak. Agreed. But there is no mention of China’s presence off Sarawak and plans to end curfew in eastern Sabah, which is disappointing.
    • Establish truth and reconciliation policy on immigration into Sabah. Agreed, but will oppose if it involves expulsion of long-time residents.
    • Increase the strength of border patrol in Sabah. Agreed.
  8. Decentralizing power to Sabah and Sarawak.
    • To spend 50% of all revenue generated in the states within the states themselves. Weakly agreed.
    • To delegate trade and commercial policy to the state government. Weakly agreed.
    • Grant the state government the power to abolish trade barrier and tariff. Undecided. I am okay with it, as long as it does not affect the single market status of Malaysia.
    • State government can control the relevant federal enterprises active in the states. Weakly agreed, but isn’t it is already the case?
    • Upgrade the adat court. Mixed. I am unsure how this will affect the civil courts.
  9. Address native customary land conflict. Agreed.
    • Compensate any loss of native land. Agreed. I must also say, the compensation must likely come from the new owner of the land.
    • Mapping of customary land. Agreed.
    • Establish tribunal courts to settle land conflict. Agreed.

Core 5: Building a moderate and inclusive Malaysia Summary: I like the focus on technical and vocational schools.

  1. Make government-funded schools as the schools of choice. Agreed, although this section is not comprehensive enough. The question of vernacular and religious school is largely untouched.
    • Reserving a level of SBP and MRSM quota for high-performing students from poor families. Agreed.
    • Upgrade roads connecting schools with homes. Agreed.
    • Encourage the private sector to aid and adopt schools. Mixed. The private sector could do it if they want to, but the government should use its own resources to improve these schools.
    • Encourage the private sector to aid and adopt schools. Mixed. The private sector could do it if they want to, but the government should use its own resources to improve these schools. One reason I am skeptical of such CSR is that these companies get tax break. I oppose such loopholes for whatever reasons. That tax money could better be used by education experts, which these companies unlikely to have. Why would we delegate education expenditure to PR or HR personnel in, for instance, a telecommunication, power or petroleum company?
    • Improve trust schools. Mixed. If it does not work, can we go back to the simple public/private school model?
    • More GLC scholarships for poor students. Agreed.
    • Scholarship for teachers. Agreed.
    • Depoliticize school syllabus. Agreed.
    • Raise the status of vocational and technical schools. Agreed. This is very important, as it provides an alternative educational route. Not everybody is suited to attend university, at least not immediately.
    • More resources for vernacular, missionary and Islamic schools. Too general. I prefer a gradual move towards a unified national school stream that deemphasizes religion and offers various languages as a subject, not as medium of teaching.
  2. Improve the quality of Malaysian universities. Agreed.
    • Free university education. Mixed. If it is free, perhaps we can start abolishing PTPTN. Also, if it is free, abolishing GST and cutting down the income tax will be an incredible policy to follow. Making university education free will be a big undertaking.
    • Guarantees students’ political rights. Agreed.
    • Self-governing student bodies. Agreed.
    • Universities to have the autonomy in appointing its Vice Chancellor. Agreed.
    • Expansion of technical and vocational training. Agreed.
    • Recognizing UEC certificates. Agreed.
    • On PTPTN, there is a proposal to abolish the practice of blacklisting. While I may agree on raising the minimum wage for servicing one’s debt, I oppose doing away with the blacklist. There has to be a cost to not paying. The blacklist, at the very least, could include a ban from foreign travel.
    • Increase opportunities for massive open online courses. Mixed.
  3. Protecting the welfare of disabled persons. I would be a monster to oppose this.
    • Several research institutes to be established to look into the requirements of disabled persons. Agreed.
    • More schools for the disabled. Agreed.
    • Incentives for companies for hiring disabled or special needs workers. Agreed. I have to add, the best way to do this is to have tight labor market.
    • Government supports for centres catering to special needs people. Agreed.
  4. Fighting crime and social ills. Largely ambivalent.
    • Raise allocation for wages and equipment for the police force. Agreed but at the back of my mind, revenue issues.
    • Further training for police officers for sexual crimes. I am not an expert in this field so I will refrain from so saying too much.
    • Address online crime. Ditto.
    • Enforcement against the smuggling of alcohol and tobacco products. Mixed. The source of high smuggling activities is the astronomically high duties imposed on these products. A better way is likely to reduce the duties significantly.
    • Stern action against… moonshine. See statement on duties.
    • Do anti-bully, anti-crime, and anti-social ill campaigns at schools. Meh. Note me down as unimpressed.
    • Work with NGOs for drug addiction rehabilitation programs. Ambivalent. I do not have any strong opinion on this.
    • Apply harm reduction principle in addressing drugs addiction. Ambivalent, largely because I do not know what it means.
  5. Inculcate neighborliness and support the family institution. Mixed, and too fluffly.
    • Transferable tax allowance between husband and wife. Agreed.
    • Tax allowance for married couple. Agreed although, better not be too much.
    • Encourage balanced urban-rural development to keep families together. What?
    • Encourage local activities at the neighborhood level. Agreed, but needs details.
    • Corporate tax break for companies-sponsored activities that support the family institution. Opposed. No tax break for companies doing CSR. Keep the tax code simple.
  6. Empower the civil society and encourage social entrepreneurship. Mixed.
    • Simplify the process to establish welfare bodies and non-government organization. Agreed.
    • Grant tax break for welfare bodies. Opposed. I would grant income tax break up to a certain level only. After all, if they are welfare bodies, why are they making large profits? I would go further and tax the income of any large profitable NGOs.
    • Establish a commission (Charities and Non-Profit Organizations Commission) to regulate the NGOs, taking over the function of Companies Commission and Registry of Societies. Agreed.
  7. Making public space for youth. Largely agreed.
    • More recreational and sporting space. Agreed.
    • More local libraries. YES!
    • Encourage entrepreneurship among youth. Too general.
  8. Establish National Harmony Consultation Council. Agreed.
  9. Clean up Malaysia’s reputation with respect to corruption. Too general although the other proposals could be counted under this section.
  10. Strengthening border security. This section feels remarkably disappointing. In my opinion, Pakatan should have addressed military and border authority capacity, to include the ability to defend the Spratly’s, curfew/security in eastern Sabah and piracy in the Straits of Malacca.
    • Increase resource for the maritime enforcers. Agreed but too general.
    • Engage Indonesia and the Philippines to address border issues. Agreed, but too general.
    • MACC to keep a close eye on border authority. Agreed, but too general.
  11. Address the the Rohingya crisis as well as the conflict in Palestine. Agreed with the Rohingyas but might be too ambitious when it comes to Palestine.
  12. Strengthen Malaysia’s foreign policy. I agree with pro-Asean proposal, disagree with non-aligned principle.
    • To get a Malaysian to be the Secretary to the OIC. Blergh.
    • Encourage the formation of an Asean community, and reenergize Malaysia’s role in Asean. Agreed, but needs more details.
    • Upgrade the Malaysian office to Asean human rights commission. Agreed, but needs details.
    • More Malaysians to be appointed to the Asean Secretariat as well as to the Commonwealth Secretariat. Agreed with Asean, but I feel we are wasting our time with the Commonwealth.
    • Reassert non-aligned position. Opposed. Time to put our feet down.
Categories
Economics Politics & government Society

[2859] Manifesto promises I would like to see made

There were a lot of talks about the budget recently. About those by the opposition and by the government.

The opposition may have to improve on its budget quality especially on the assumptions made, but I believe the annual tabling of such alternative is healthy and is a positive development in our increasingly flawed democracy. Why? Because it provides a clearer picture of a different near future, regardless whether we agree with it or not. Imagining an alternative (or a utopia even) is always important so that we do not fall into the trap of Doctor Pangloss, or unnecessarily resigning to a bad outcome.

But a budget is just a budget however important it is. It is merely a short-term roadmap towards whatever goals we want to achieve. A better document offering a clearer alternative would be a goal-setting manifesto.

Below is a partial list of matters I would like to see in the manifesto. Some of them are general and others are specific.

I have not costed it, but whenever costing is relevant, I think it is doable. In truth, a lot of crazy ideas are economically feasible and mine, I do not think they are crazy. And some of them may already exist, or in the process to coming to reality. Some admittedly are fluffy.

Let just say it is a non-comprehensive wishlist for further discussion.

Election matters

  1. Introduce proportional representation to address gerrymandering and malappropriation in Malaysia. Having a PR system in place of first pass the post would help make our electoral system fairer and so, instil more confidence into our democratic system. It would also be more robust against possible cheating.
  2. State funding for all individual contesting for public offices. This hopefully would make money less important in an election. To avoid abuse, candidates failing to get a certain percentage of votes would be required refund the state. Candidates will be allowed to receive contributions from private citizens.
  3. Mandatory reporting for all contributions received by all candidates. Limits to be applied on parties and individuals. Contributions will be taxed above a certain limit.
  4. A complete ban on private corporations and government bodies from making contributions to any political parties. This includes no program with any political parties. In Malaysia, government bodies especially have serious conflict of interest and this ban would help reduce corruption.
  5. Ban political parties from running or owning for-profit entities.
  6. Automatic registration for all Malaysians age 18 and above. We should not put up barriers to voting.
  7. Yes, reduce voting age to 18.
  8. Reinstate local elections, starting with cities with population more than half a million. This should help make local authorities more responsive to the local population instead of to Putrajaya.

Parliament

  1. Election of Senators.
  2. Create a smaller Senate by limiting federal appointees to no more than total state senators. Federal Territories’ representatives be reduced to 3. Representatives for Sabah and Sarawak be increased to 3 each. This will create stronger check-and-balance in the Parliament and return power to the states.
  3. Reserve special seats for the Speaker of the House and the Senate, and have them elected. The Speaker must renounce membership with any political party. This is to ensure fairness in the Parliament.
  4. Greater funding for all MPs for area servicing and hiring of research assistants.
  5. Parliament to remain in Kuala Lumpur.

Government

  1. Ten-year term limits for the positions of prime minister and chief ministers. The years are cumulative. This is to encourage new talents to enter politics and the government. Also, to avoid having a long-term authoritarian as a leader.
  2. Enforce retirement age on all civil servants. No contract extension.
  3. Public declaration of assets and income for all public office holders, and as well selected civil servants.
  4. Encourage diversity in the civil service. Malaysia is a diverse country and our civil service should reflect our demography.
  5. Total function separation between the prime minister and the finance minister at the federal and the state levels. This is to address conflict of interest.
  6. No minister will be allowed to hold more than one portfolio.
  7. Decentralize powers of the Prime Minister’s Department through closure of several agencies or relocation of agencies to other authorities.
  8. Separate the office of the AG between government’s legal advisor and the public prosecutor. This will also include separating the AG from appointment/promotion of judges.
  9. Downsize the size of the Cabinet. The decentralization of power of the PM Department would also mean fewer ministers without definite portfolios.
  10. Limit federal funding to regional development authorities designed to circumvent state governments. States to have strong representation in the relevant regional development authorities.
  11. Total separation between the government and Pemandu’s overseas business. The entity will not be allowed to use Pemandu’s name, or government resources. Private enterprises should not use government name or resources for private gains.

Government finances

  1. Target 1%-2% deficit of NGDP. Balanced budget unnecessary.
  2. Reduce government guarantees for government-linked companies.
  3. Migrate civil service pension scheme towards defined-contribution plan fully.
  4. Include off-budget spending in government accounts, though no necessarily merged.

Taxes

  1. No GST hike in the next 5 years. Rate to stay at 6%.
  2. No GST refunds for foreigners.
  3. No zero-rated GST for goods bought by corporations.
  4. Rideshare services to pay GST.
  5. No income tax holiday for TRX.
  6. No tax-free treatment for real estate projects.
  7. Income tax holiday to be reserved to selected manufacturing and high-tech services.
  8. Create several new income tax brackets and push the top income tax rate higher.
  9. Close loopholes for corporations with respect to income tax.
  10. Negative-income tax for all Malaysians.
  11. Wealthy NGOs and religious institutions will be taxed, regardless of profit/non-profit status.
  12. Find a way to get global internet companies with operations in Malaysia to pay income tax.
  13. Gift or donation above a certain high threshold to private individuals to be taxed.
  14. Temporarily reduce income tax rate marginally for married working women to encourage labor participation rate as well as address gender pay gap.

Government-linked companies, funds

  1. Complete professionalization of GLCs by banning MPs and retired politicians from heading any government-linked companies or funds.
  2. No bailouts of government-linked companies.
  3. Remove government ownership in Malaysia Airlines.
  4. Reduce government holdings in non-strategic private companies, especially by Khazanah.
  5. GLCs to be closely monitored by Malaysian Competition Commission.
  6. No Arul Kanda in Khazanah or any other GLCs.

Corruption

  1. Independent investigations into 1MDB and all of its related cases.
  2. Ensure fair trials for all 1MDB actors.
  3. Closing down of 1MDB and SRC.
  4. Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission to be placed under the Parliament to strengthen its independence.

Social services

  1. Basic income of RM200 monthly for Malaysians aged 60 and above. This could be an experiment for a universal basic income scheme.
  2. Baby bonus of RM1,000 for the first two children. This is to address ageing demography in Malaysia.
  3. Citizenship bonus upon birth for all Malaysians, to be invested at PNB funds. Quantum to be decided.
  4. Zero cash handling for BR1M. Government to set up bank accounts for those without one.
  5. BR1M requirements to be tightened but individual payments enlarged.
  6. Central creches to encourage higher labor participation rate, especially among women. Mandatory preschools could double-up as central creches for older young children.
  7. Stronger affirmative actions for Orang Aslis and other non-Malay natives. Government agencies managing Orang Asli affairs to be led by Orang Aslis only.
  8. Ancestral land of Orang Aslis and those belonging to Sabah and Sarawak native communities to be protected fully.
  9. Temporary unemployment benefits, possibly lasting 3-6 months. I think Perkeso can be reformed to manage this. Such benefits also is an automatic stabilizer in the economy, so less need for discretionary fiscal stimulus in times of recession.

Education

  1. Malay remains as the medium of exchange in national schools.
  2. Malay and English remain compulsory.
  3. Offer non-native languages to all students in national schools (this includes major Asean languages: Thai, Khmer, Vietnamese, Tagalog and Burmese).
  4. Reduce the role of religion in national schools to sustain diversity, and limit it to religious classes only.
  5. Moral classes to be reorganized into civic classes open to all students.
  6. Work to strengthen the national school system and make it the first choice for most Malaysians.
  7. Greater autonomy for universities and political freedom from students.
  8. Mandatory preschooling. Free for poor/lower-middle class families.
  9. Mean-tested PTPTN, reserving such funding for poor students only.
  10. Meritocratic process entrance into universities. The process will be tempered with socioeconomic concerns to help create a more equal society. Affirmative action for under-represented communities to be merged with the meritocratic process.
  11. Limit public undergraduate scholarships abroad. More graduate-level scholarships abroad instead.
  12. Mandatory study-abroad for a semester or two for all Malaysian public university students to Asean institutions.
  13. Expand places at public universities.
  14. Automatic partial scholarship for students from poor families attending public universities, in place of PTPTN.

Health

  1. No raising of patent protection period.
  2. Increase access to generics.

Homes

  1. Limit ownership of residential properties by foreigners.
  2. Additional ad valorem tax on foreign-owned residential properties.
  3. No expiry on real property tax gains on foreigners.
  4. RPGT on Malaysians to be lengthened to 10 years.
  5. Tax relief for residential rental payments for Malaysians earning below a certain threshold and landlord up to a certain threshold. This will be combined with the negative-income tax structure.
  6. Stronger protection for renters.
  7. High-quality affordable public housing for rents in cities and its suburbs especially for the young. This is to encourage the young to remain in the cities. Having the young in will keep the cities lively.

Islam

  1. No raising of punishment for Islamic laws violations.
  2. Conversion of minors requires approval by both parents.
  3. Reduce conflict between civil and shariah courts by defining the division of powers more clearly.
  4. Reduce barriers to marriage. Make marriage classes optional.
  5. Reduce religious authority’s ability to spy and conduct raids.
  6. Remove religious identification on the national identity card.

Discrimination

  1. Institute a law to address discrimination in the private sector with a focus on race, religion, political belief and gender.
  2. Minimum mandatory 30 days paternity leave to address gender pay gap and change societal expectations on gender.

National service

  1. Reorganize into a voluntary 1-year military service, with possible merger with the Wataniah regiment.
  2. Strip party politics from the program.

The press

  1. RTM to be made more independent and remodelled after the BBC.
  2. No licensing of blogs.
  3. A media ombudsman to handle public complaints against the press.
  4. Pass Freedom of Information Act.
  5. Reform Official Secret Act to reduce abuse.

Civil liberties

  1. Limit the police’s ability to restrict peaceful assemblies.
  2. Address discrimination against religious minority.
  3. Sosma to be limited towards terror activities only.
  4. Sedition Act to be scaled down.
  5. Tighter requirements for book banning.
  6. Stronger privacy and data protections law and enforcement.

Environment

  1. Limit reclamation projects in Johor, Malacca and Penang. Stronger national requirement for reclamation proposal.
  2. Reduce fragmentation of jungle, especially in Peninsular Malaysia. Possible jungle crossings over highways and roads.
  3. National park status for Belum-Temengor.
  4. No logging within a certain distance from river banks.
  5. No development within a certain distance from the beach.
  6. Stop new hill development above a certain height.
  7. Arm wildlife officers/enforcers and increase punishment for wildlife violations.
  8. Yearly federal payments to states for maintenance of primary jungle coverage. Part of the payments to be reserved for replanting purposes to negate previous jungle loss. Audit to be made twice a year on jungle coverage.
  9. Reduce logging permits and raise the cost of the permits.
  10. Introduce carbon tax.
  11. Total ban on sand exports.
  12. Rehabilitation funds for land ravaged by illegal bauxite mining in Pahang.
  13. Limit dams construction.
  14. Work with Singapore to open up water flow under the Causeway.
  15. Reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
  16. Raise fuel efficiency of vehicles.

Public transport and transport infrastructure

  1. Cashless payments to be opened for others and not limited to TnG at all train stations, buses as well as highways.
  2. TnG will be forced to provide no-fee reloading access points at all train stations, or contract will not be renewed/early termination if possible.
  3. Inquiry to be conducted on why TnG was chosen over RapidKL’s native cashless payments method, and why MRT is unable to process RapidKL’s native cashless payment method.
  4. Reassess the need for MRT3 due to low ridership for MRT1. MRT2 to continue as planned.
  5. HSR to continue as planned with open tender. Reduce the number of stops.
  6. JB-Woodlands rail link to be constructed.
  7. No tunnel for Penang.
  8. Federal support for trams in George Town.
  9. Cancel the ECRL but build a Kuantan-KL double-tracking electrified line. Upgrade the existing East Coast line, with at least electrification.
  10. Continue with the Pan-Borneo Highway.
  11. Mavcom to be funded directly by the government instead of revenue from airport/passenger taxes to avoid the Commission’s conflict of interest as a regulator and a taxing authority.
  12. Daily float of retail petrol.
  13. Tax vehicle fuel. Proceeds will be used to subsidize public transport.
  14. Renegotiate highway contracts to limit toll hikes as well as possible compensation to contractors.
  15. Mandatory deregistration of vehicles after 15-20 years on the road.
  16. Much, much higher road tax and excise duties on luxury vehicles.
  17. No new port in Malacca.
  18. Construct the Labuan-Sabah bridge.

Monarchy and state rulers

  1. Head of states are banned from participating in business. Existing holdings to be divested and placed in trust fund managed by the state for rulers’ welfare.
  2. Title awards by all states and by the federal government to be significantly limited.

Immigration and border control

  1. Abolition of road charges but maintain VEP. VEP to be expanded to all entry points.
  2. Work towards visa-free status for all Asean citizens.
  3. No airport tax equalization or hike.
  4. Work towards the lifting of curfew in eastern Sabah.

Security and defense

  1. Cut any role in the Yemen war.
  2. No unilateral declaration of curfew by the PM under the NSC Act. The government must compensate any loss of property by innocent victims.
  3. Establis IPCMC.
  4. Establish Asean security forces.
  5. Upgrade facilities in the Spratlys.

Asean

  1. Strengthen Asean roles in the region.
  2. Work towards to a common Asean position on the South China Sea.
  3. Work towards an Asia-Pacific free trade area.
  4. Work towards the establishment of an Asean parliament, with representatives elected by Asean citizens.
  5. Create Asean scholarships for non-Malaysian Asean citizens at Malaysian universities to encourage integration between Asean countries.
  6. Resolve border dispute with Asean neighbors.
  7. Accession of Timor Leste into Asean as a full member by 2025.

Internet and communication

  1. Enforce net neutrality. Internet service providers are not allowed to bundle connection services with other services.
  2. MCMC to focus on service quality and technology adoption. No power to censor the internet unilaterally without consultation with other authorities like Suhakam and the courts.
  3. Work to diminish Telekom Malaysia’s monopoly as an ISP with a view to cut down on internet access cost.

Kuala Lumpur

  1. Less power for Minister for Federal Territories. Federal government’s decision must be approved by an elected mayor.
  2. No new development for Bukit Gasing and Bukit Nanas.
  3. Stronger actions against indiscriminate parking. Malls and hotels will be held responsible for illegal parkers outside of its compound to force drivers and property/business owners be more responsible towards their surroundings.
  4. More working pedestrian lights and on-grade crossings.
  5. Open the relevant KL train stations for free crossing by pedestrians.
  6. Wider use of Balisha beacons instead of crossing lights for non-major roads.
  7. Enforce pedestrian-first rules versus road vehicles.
  8. More pedestrian crossings, and stronger enforcement/punishment against vehicles for not stopping at crossings.
  9. Introduction of congestion charges. Income set for public transport funding.
  10. Limit the city hall’s ability to close access to  Dataran Merdeka or any public space except for emergency purposes.
  11. Maintain green space, and increase large tree counts in the city.

Foreign labor

  1. Hiring of foreign labor to be simplified to cut off the middle men and corruption.
  2. Reduce human rights abuse faced by foreign workers.
  3. Set up mandatory savings(EPF?) for foreign workers in Malaysia to equalize hiring costs between Malaysians and foreign workers. Withdrawal allowed upon return to home country only or emergencies.
  4. Clear attainable pathway to citizenship for foreigners, with minimum 10 years residency, no criminal records, Malay language proficiency as some of of them prerequisites. May have to set a yearly quota for socioeconomic and political factors.

Miscellaneous

  1. Stronger anti-trust body, focusing on the food, vehicles, properties, construction material, banking, internet, medicine, payments and GLCs.
  2. Stronger commitment to open tender. No direct award above a certain threshold.
  3. Bigger equalization funds for Sabah and Sarawak.
  4. The government to release all public data on the internet in machine-friendly format.
  5. Abolish the death sentence.
  6. Limit outrider count for government officials and rulers. No outriders for private citizens. Outriders cannot be hired.
  7. No duration increase in patent/copyright protection.
  8. Jos soli citizenship.

I will add more if I have the time.