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Economics Politics & government

[2970] Politics of living costs and the inevitable language of austerity

Extraordinarily, the Economy Minister has been holding press conference for every consumer price index release in the past few months. Extraordinary, because in the past, CPI releases were treated with silence by the government, and from time to time, cited in largely unread government press statements. But the new Minister, Rafizi Ramli, is focused on cost of living issues. He sees CPI statistics as a way to regularly talk about it.

He is not alone in focusing on living costs. Information Minister, Fahmi Fadzil in an interview recently said:

“The people don’t really care about the slogan, they care about the cost of living, prices of goods and internet access. Therefore, it is essential for every minister and ministry to act immediately to resolve issues of concern to the people.” [Fahmi: ‘Govt to solve people’s issues through Malaysia Madani concept’. Bernama. New Straits Times. January 25 2023]

A very, very short history of living costs politics

Component parties of Pakatan Harapan (and previously Pakatan Rakyat) have a long history of stressing on living costs politics. When energy prices were high in the late 2000s, DAP, Pas and PKR were pressing on the cost-of-living buttons furiously, and that played well to popular anger at that time.

Furthermore, the focus on living costs is a way to shift attention away from race and religion, towards more welfare-based issues. That shift is something to be welcomed, definitely.

Regression in policy

But as I have written earlier, while living costs deserve attention, the the politics of living costs is counterproductive in many ways. Such politics is the reason why policy progress Malaysia made in the past 10-15 years with respect to welfare policy has been partially reversed. Specifically, I am referring to the shift from subsidies to cash transfers. Cash transfers in many ways superior to subsidies in terms of welfare enhancing. Therefore, blanket subsidies and cash transfers are meant to be competing policies.

Yet, now, we have both and the government for the past 5 years have taken the two as complementary. The confused policy mix is proving to be expansive. And it does not help that the government is scared of new taxes, and prefer hard-to-implement-but-low/unstable-revenue taxes to easier-and-high/stable-revenue ones, which causes a severe fiscal constraint.

Rafizi, who previously was a strong believer in blanket petrol subsidies, appears to have walked back, perhaps after realizing the state of government finance, He, along with Prime Minister-Finance Minister Anwar Ibrahim, are now talking about targeted subsidies instead, which has been discussed since at least 2019, not long after blanket subsidies were reintroduced. But having both targeted subsidies and cash transfers are still a confused policy mix. The ideal would be to move to cash transfers fully.

Politics of living costs almost always means large subsidies

The politics of living costs is counterproductive because, with its logical framework, the easiest way to address it is through subsidies and price controls. Other ways—wage hikes for one, or competition regulations—are much harder to implement and takes longer to be realized. The thing with subsidies is (in some ways cash transfers too, but at least cash transfers is much, much more efficient in enhancing welfare while it can always be clawed back via taxes if the wrong persons received it), it tends to take resources away from other things, like funding healthcare, investing and maintenance infrastructure or building defense capabilities in a region has been taking peace too much for granted.

You cannot solve these structural long-term things, if politics of living costs that is always in the now, is the ultimate priority.

The language of austerity

Since such politics takes resources away from many things, it sets the tone of belt-tightening: pay cuts, no pay, RM1.5 trillion government debt (and liabilities), etc. When there is so little left for anything else, usually, a lot of people would be scared and pull back what they could, except subsidies.

Anwar Ibrahim, at a forum in Jakarta, quipped that Malaysia was no longer the country of the 1990s in response to a request by an Indonesia luminary for more Malaysian scholarship for Indonesian students.

Rafizi, just this week, said:

“It is like an overweight person. You know your ideal weight and you constantly remind yourself that you are getting worse,” he said at a forum titled ‘Resetting the Malaysian economy’ organised by Parliament.

“The solution is simple. You need to eat less. If you want to eat a lot, you need to run more. Doctors, gyms will tell you that. Most struggle despite the diagnosis.

“That’s where we are as a country. With the current fiscal trajectory, things will get worse. It takes a lot of courage, political will and cohesion with all stakeholders (to carry out changes).”

[Fixing economy like fat person trying to lose weight, says Rafizi. Joel Shasitiran. FMT. January 27 2023]

Fat. Diet. Those are words one typically associates with austerity. We do not have austerity, but using this kind of language, it would impress many that there is one.

And the source of this language, and the wider fiscal problem the government faces is the politics of living costs.

This second Pakatan Harapan government appears to be repeating some of the mistakes of the first Pakatan Harapan government: too much focus on government financial burden that it was accused of running austerity policies, despite the fact, clearly, there was no austerity at play.

Categories
Economics

[2904] Reintroducing GST now means austerity

Is this the right time to reintroduce the GST?

No.

It is definitely the wrong time to reintroduce the GST at the previous rate of 6%.

Why is it the wrong time?

Because in time when economic growth is dropping off the cliff, having GST at 6% is essentially having an austerity program. It will exacerbate the situation. If you are worried about government finance, remember, government finance is not the economy. Do not forget that.

Why is it an austerity?

The current SST level is approximately equivalent to 4% of GST. Possibly slightly higher than 4% as the new SST has been improved to cover new items. Having GST at 6% is effectively a tax hike from the status quo.

And a tax hike in time of economic slowdown will make the downturn worse. A tax hike is austerity.

How about GST at 4%?

No. Just do not mess with it at this time. There will be an appropriate time to do so. Do not be so noob about it.

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Economics

[2875] There is no austerity in Malaysia

The term austerity is gaining currency in some Malaysian circles. The press and several brokers have mentioned it to describe what they think the Malaysian government is doing in light of various renegotiation or cancellation of megaprojects.

Austerity is a sexy term to pull in some eyeballs but really, I think the term has been used rather loosely to a point that it is inaccurate enough and starts to lose its meaning.

So what is austerity? How do we define austerity?

The first pass-definition should be an overall cut in absolute government spending. In other words, austerity happens when the government runs contractionary fiscal policy. A slowdown in government spending growth itself is insufficient to qualify as austerity. It has to be a cut in spending itself.

The refining factor to work with the first-pass definition is a significant tax hike that discourages spending and contributes to economic contraction. For those with knowledge in macroeconomics, I am thinking of a simple shift to the left in the IS curve in the IS-LM framework, which results in economic contraction.

Yet another refining definition is if these two contractionary policies – reduced government spending, higher tax or both – happen during a period of economic contraction. In tighter language, austerity is when fiscal policy works pro-cyclically during a downturn.

In Malaysia so far, that has not happened. Neither fiscal policy and the economy are in contractionary mode. Public data shows January-August government spending increased by 6.1% this year versus the same period last year. For the May-August period, government spending rose 1.1% YoY. From GDP perspective, public investment and spending rose in the first half of 2018 versus the first half of 2017. Meanwhile, the economy expanded 5.8% and 4.9% in both nominal and real terms in the first half of 2018 versus the same period last year.

And we must not forget, Malaysians received a significant tax cut in the form of 3-month tax holiday and the replacement of value-added consumption tax GST with the less burdensome production tax SST.

Meanwhile, the government has made public statements that Malaysia is not embarking on any austerity program, although it has committed itself to cleaning up its accounts due to years of off-budget abuses and opaque dealings.

Under this situation of continuing economic growth, public spending expansion and the absence of a tax hike, I think it is clear there is no austerity in place.

The truth is, many of the renegotiation and cancellation do not lead to absolute cuts. Rather, the changes are there to make way for other spending that are aimed to be more productive than, for instance, merely servicing overpriced debt for financially and economically unsustainable megaprojects negotiated incompetently by the previous corrupt government.

What is happening is a reallocation of resources. Not absolute cuts. Definitely not austerity.

Categories
Economics

[2657] Fiscal devaluation mimics currency devaluation

I am a supporter of regionalism. Despite whatever jokes I may have about the euro, I do not want to see its disintegration.

While I have refined my opinion by stressing on the importance of having similar economies coming into a union instead of having a disparate set of economies with wildly different setups and cycles coming together, I do still pretty much in favor of monetary union. I may be in the minority now but I do advocate a single currency for Southeast Asia. Not for all countries in the region but maybe just between Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei. These countries were in a union before while Singapore and Brunei are effectively already in a currency union. Furthermore, Malaysian and Singaporean economies are similar in many ways – both are trade-dependent though more so for Singapore. A combination of Indochinese countries can form another separate union. So, I envision at least two monetary unions within Asean (or three with Indonesia and Timor Leste together).

I am still amazed by the fact my trade professor at Michigan showed me. During one winter morning, he showed that trade between New York and Seattle was many times higher than between Seattle and Vancouver, despite the fact that Seattle is much closer to Vancouver than New York. “It appears Canada is located on the moon!” he stressed.

He was demonstrating that monetary union increased trade. As a strong believer of the net benefit of free trade, I was hooked by it. Even now.

And Europe has benefited from its monetary union, even as it is hobbled by troubles right now.

One painful but the obvious solution to the ongoing European problem is for countries in economic recession, indeed, depression, to leave the Eurozone and devalue their currencies. That would have happened in a typical country during a recession. Currency devaluation helps a country regains its competitiveness by making its exports cheaper to the rest of the world. That what happened in Malaysia in the periods after the worst recession the country has ever experienced yet. That was what happened in Asia. It was an export-driven recovery.

For the 17 members of the Eurozone, devaluation is not an option if the integrity of the euro is cherished.

There are alternatives to exit from the Eurozone.

The first was internal devaluation. This pretty much refers to austerity measures. Wages are cut down to make a crisis country more competitive, among others. This a painful because while it does aid competitiveness, it does create a downward spiral that is associated with deflation. People will not spend before they expect prices tomorrow will be cheaper than today. People will not spend because they have less money. While real prices will adjust in the long run, the short term can be really painful.

There is an interesting article on Bloomberg today about fiscal devaluation as proposed by economist Gita Gopinath (of Harvard “Call Me Maybe” recruitment video fame, anybody?).[1] It tries to mimic the effect of currency devaluation, which makes it very appealing. It includes a hike in value-added tax along with the provision of tax credit. The arrangement discourages imports and support exports. The VAT is imposed on all domestically consumed or used goods but the tax credits are granted to all domestic producers that eliminate the effect of VAT. Exporters benefit from this setup. Importers suffer. The great part is that it is no clear link to price deflation, which makes this arrangement usable in time of recession.

That however does raise the alarm of protectionism. In times like this in Europe, it is tolerable. In normal times, this can be a barrier to free trade. It can give unfair advantages to the home countries that may later mimic the ugliness of currency wars.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
[1] — When French President Francois Hollande unveiled a plan in November for a business tax credit and higher sales taxes as a way to revive the economy, he was implementing an idea championed by economist Gita Gopinath.

Gopinath, 41, a professor at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, has pushed for tax intervention as a way forward for euro-area countries that cannot devalue their exchange rates. ”Fiscal devaluation” is helping France turn the corner during a period of extreme budget constraints, former Airbus SAS chief Louis Gallois said in a business- competitiveness report Hollande commissioned. [Rina Chandran. Harvard’s Gopinath Helps France Beat Euro Straitjacket. Bloomberg. February 7 2013]

Categories
Economics

[2637] The necessity of fiscal austerity, sometimes

This is an excerpt from an old article by Raghuram Rajan. The excerpt is a point on the necessity of having a fiscal austerity program during crisis times even when it is ideal to have it spread over time. It is not a new point, but it is worth to be highlighted as a reminder on why some things are as they are right now.

…Fiscal austerity is not painless and will probably subtract from growth in the short run. It would be far better to phase reforms in over time, yet it is precisely because governments did not act in good times that they are forced to do so, and quickly, in bad times. Indeed, there is a case to be made for doing what is necessary quickly and across the board so that everyone feels that the pain is shared, rather than spreading it over time and risking dissipating the political will. Governments should, however, underestimate the pain that these measure will cause to the elderly, the youth, and the poor, and where possible, they should enact targeted legislation to alleviate the measures’ impact. [The True Lessons of the Recession. Raghuram Rajan. Foreign Policy. May 2012]