Categories
Economics

[1684] Of we must face economic reality

After years of plugging a pinky into a hole of an imperfect dike, the rising tide behind it has grown sufficiently large that the dike can no longer withstand the pressure on the other side. The dike was not supposed to be there in the first place and now reality looms. In reaction to the recent removal of fuel subsidy, already there are voices on the street blaming the Abdullah administration of mismanaging the economy. This is a most unfair assessment. On the contrary, the subsidy reduction will benefit our society in the long run.

This accusation has history that goes well past June 5. Higher cost of living was one of the reasons cited why the Barisan Nasional lost significant votes to the Pakatan Rakyat candidates on March 8. In convincing voters to vote for the Pakatan candidates, Anwar Ibrahim had proposed to reduce retail prices of fuel to a level seen in 1990s.

Despite rhetoric, I absolutely doubt a Pakatan government could increase the size of fuel subsidy without hurting the economy in times when real crude oil prices are at record levels. In short, Pakatan’s argument against any kind of subsidy reduction is grounded on populism and not economic reality.

Malaysians so far have been lucky, from a certain point of view, that we are shielded from the harsh reality outside. That shield of subsidy, however, is costly and is definitely an inferior way of spending precious resources.

Instead of artificially fuelling consumption, these resources could be better spent to build capabilities, especially in education and research. More efforts need to be channeled to areas which could structurally improve the economy. A subsidy does nothing of this and it in fact only delays the inevitable march to move beyond petroleum at a very costly manner.

While lucky, I do not think we are learning from the past. We have been at this juncture before and there are lessons to be learned. In the 1970s and the early 1980s, high crude oil prices encouraged greater fuel efficiency. As demand fell with respect to supply due to increased awareness and requirement for conservation, prices dropped significantly and continued to stay low until around 2003.

I am confident that with the right policies in place, the structural changes that brought upon low energy prices in the past can happen again. The key phrase here is the right policies and one of such policies is elimination of the fuel subsidy.

The subsidy we have been enjoying masks the actual cost of consumption and the associated problems like pollution and over-consumption.

With everything masked, it is really hard to rectify any problem in the economy. It is like a noisy generator placed behind a blast door, operating at its breaking point where we do not have to hear the insufferable noise it produced. Despite the state of the generator, it continues to deliver power to us and it gives the perception that everything is fine and dandy when in fact, it is not.

We get the benefit but we are not paying for the cost. Thus, there is a grave disconnect in our cost and benefit model. By the time we find out that something is wrong, it would already be too late to do anything. A subsidy is that blast door and it prevents a signal of impending disaster from reaching us.

Truth be told, Malaysia is not the only country phasing out its fuel subsidy policy. Indonesia is on the same path as Malaysia’s while India and Taiwan are another two. It cannot be that all four different countries conspire to make the life of its own citizens harder. It cannot be that all four different countries are mismanaging their economy. The truth is that a lot of governments in the world are realizing the cost of fuel subsidy regime.

One argument puts forth that since Malaysia is an oil producer country, we should not be paying astronomical retail fuel prices. A tempting point but it fails to grasp the idea of trade-off. Pray tell, with fuel prices much higher, should we consume the fuel as if it is dirt cheap, or sell it to the world market and buy more education, more infrastructure that offer some guarantees of actual economic growth and if we could, buy a more sustainable economy?

The rise of fuel prices is a global phenomenon and the Abdullah administration has no power to dictate world prices. Whether we believe it or not, governments around the world are at the mercy of the invisible hand.

Blaming the Abdullah administration as the cause of higher fuel prices ignores the reality out there. An honest person is not interested in finding scapegoat but rather, is more interested in searching for the best policy fit given the current world scenario.

Higher global fuel prices require the structural transformation of our economy and the first step in transforming the economy is by accepting the fact that crude oil is no longer as cheap as it was in the early 1990s.

A continual upholding of subsidy policy delays the inevitable transformation required and the sooner we realize this, the better will we be prepared for the future. It is time for us to take the bull by its horn rather than sweeping the dust under the carpet by continuing to adopt a policy burdened with a huge deadweight loss, as if the world has not changed.

In Malaysia, there is always a cynical saying about how we have first world infrastructure but third world mentality. Well, this crisis is a great opportunity for us to ditch third world policy for a first world and superior policy.

Besides, the Malaysian government is running on a budget deficit. That means you and I and a lot of Malaysians out there owe somebody money. We should be thinking on how to repay these debts.

By supporting fuel subsidy, however, we are basically swiping our credit cards liberally to finance our expenditure on food, fuel and none on investment for the future. How are we going to pay for these debts if we keep spending our resources so recklessly? Do we pass these debts to our children?

I vehemently say no. We are certainly more responsible than that. We must be more responsible than that.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — a version of this article was first published in The Malaysian Insider.

Categories
ASEAN Economics

[1677] Of greater trade with monetary union

It was one morning during one of those ugly winters in Ann Arbor when I found myself sitting close to the front row of an economics class. The professor sounded odd but then again, I am sure I sounded odd to my friends here.

Regardless, with me still half awake, I heard the professor say something about the amount of trade between Vancouver and Seattle corresponding to the distance between the Earth and the moon. Was the professor nuts or maybe I was dreaming?

That statement was so out of this world that it halted my descent to slumberland. It turned out that the professor was discussing the relationship between trade and currency. Yawning widely, I straightened my back to have another shot at staying awake.

On the screen up front, there was a table listing trade volume between various US cities and with cities in other countries. There was a typical regression model projected on the screen too. I do not particularly remember the exact equation but the conclusion was clear: monetary union encourages trade.

Trade volume between New York and Seattle was much higher than that between Seattle and Vancouver. This was despite the fact that New York is located on the East Coast while Vancouver is situated on the West Coast just a few hundred miles up north where the people speak rather strangely. New York and Seattle, of course ,use the US dollar while Vancouver uses something else entirely.

The whole class then mentally swam across the Atlantic to trace the evolution of the Euro. The conclusion was reinforced: trade substantially increased after the Eurozone countries adopted a single currency.

The virtue of a single currency was hammered home further by another graph indicating how fluctuation of exchange rates between countries within the Eurozone virtually disappeared: uncertainty eliminated. The professor with his New Zealand accent announced that the Europeans got tired of the exchange rate fluctuation so they decided to get rid of it altogether.

I was stranded somewhere in Minneapolis when the Euro was officially introduced to the public on Jan 1, 2002. Reactions to the introduction ranged from celebratory to bitterness at the loss of local currencies. Anecdotes by individuals having trouble adjusting to the new reality were amusing but I was merely a curious observer across the Atlantic.

Close to three years later, I found myself in a class undergoing official economic training in Ann Arbor. That particular class made me an Aseanist: I became a monetary unionist. I want to see Asean repeating the same experiment the Eurozone is undergoing, hoping this will bring on yet another halcyon period of prosperity for Southeast Asia.

The years leading to the late 1990s were great but those days are gone. Sure, we have learned one or two things from the Asian financial crisis but nothing beats the feeling of being on top of the world. When Deng Xiaoping visited Southeast Asia back in those days, he was expecting to see backwaters cities but boy, he had the shock of his life. Not only were the cities modern then, they out-rivalled those of China’s. Nowadays, the feeling is almost reversed.

The rise of Southeast Asia is a story of trade and it goes all the way back to the era of Srivijaya in the first millennium. The prosperity of this region has always been linked with trade. The prosperity of this country as a small open economy has always been linked to trade.

Asean already has a regional free trade agreement in place and progress so far has been encouraging, especially when compared to the disappointing Doha Round. We could probably see the full effect of the FTA by 2015 when all tariffs imposed on almost all Asean-based goods must be lowered to 0%. That should fuel inter-Asean trade but as demonstrated by the experience of the Eurozone, trade could be enhanced further with the introduction of a monetary union.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — the article was first published by The Malaysian Insider.

Categories
ASEAN Conflict & disaster Economics

[1669] Of no cash aid for Myanmar

Money may not be the only thing in this world but it does make a lot of people happy, including the junta of Myanmar. But keeping the junta happy is not what I have in mind when I want to help the people of Myanmar.

We may have forgotten that Cyclone Nargis took tens of thousand of lives in the Irrawaddy Delta just weeks ago. With the season finale of American Idol, Akademi Fantasi and the loss of sovereignty over a rock or two to Singapore a few days ago, who can blame us? There are far more important things going on with our lives than anything that happens in the delta.

But if we actually cared a little about the victims of Nargis, we would remember that the junta placed restrictions on foreign aid. The junta even refused aid from relief groups, stating that they preferred government-to-government transactions.

The junta of Myanmar must be the luckiest government in the world because it can afford to become a chooser in a time when it really should be a beggar. Unbelievably, it took some coaxing by governments of other countries before the junta actually relented. Even then, aid workers were barred from entering the country. To think that other governments cared more about a person than the person’s government really reflects badly on a government.

Aid eventually crept in but as the blankets, medicine, food and cash got into Myanmar, there were reports that the junta repackaged the aid as if it were provided by the junta. But I suppose, if the aid gets to the victims, it does not matter. Black cat, white cat: whichever catches the mouse is a good cat.[1]

There were also reports that some of the aid was redirected away from the victims of the cyclone.[2] The French had foreseen this by initially offering a small amount of aid and said they did not believe the junta had the trustworthiness to manage the aid. I share the skepticism of the French government.

In many cases, money transfer is a superior method of giving aid when compared to transfer in kind. Money transfer has the potential of improving the receivers’ welfare much more than what material goods can ever do. This is especially so when the receivers know exactly what they need while donors are unfamiliar with the local environment.

Money, after all, is the most generally accepted medium of exchange. It is usually harder for a person to barter blanket for food because the double coincidence of wants has to occur first before that transaction can take place. This is true for many situations, including the one involving fuel subsidy in Malaysia. Money transferred to those the authority wishes to help is a better policy in enhancing welfare than material transfer.

Money or cash transfer, however, does suffer from a problem called moral hazard. In the case of Myanmar, the donors may want to help cyclone victims buy food, blanket and rebuild their livelihood. But with little ability to oversee how it is actually spent, the victims may use the money to buy cigarettes or something less useful in improving their welfare.

Money transfer may also not be as useful in Myanmar as in other places in peaceful times. Disasters, especially the major ones, tend to push prices up as distribution channels suffer damage, causing supply problems. Add to the increased demand, prices will rocket, hence reducing its purchasing power.

Prices shot up in Florida in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina and it surely is happening in the Irrawaddy. Some people derisively called it scalping but I call it economics. Regardless, donation in kind overcomes the problem of weaker purchasing power that any money donation under that scenario suffers.

Thirdly, just as how the French had expressed their skepticism, the junta cannot be trusted with money.

Now, there are caring Malaysian organizations out there that seek to alleviate the suffering of those in Myanmar by sending money over directly. Noble but their actions could prove unhelpful.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — YANGON, Burma — Burma’s military regime distributed international aid Saturday but plastered the boxes with the names of top generals in an apparent effort to turn the relief effort for last week’s devastating cyclone into a propaganda exercise. [Burma Junta Turns International Aid Into Form of Propaganda. Associated Press via FoxNews. May 11 2008]

[2] — The British ambassador to the United Nations, John Sawers, said Britain had also received unconfirmed reports that aid was being redirected away from disaster victims. [Myanmar Government Still Blocking Relief. New York Times. May 14 2008]

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — a version of this article was first published at The Malaysian Insider.

Categories
Economics

[1663] Of food? Fuel? Dilemma?

Not all dilemmas are really dilemmas. Open up the lid and upon closer inspection, the dilemma unravels without much investment in effort. One such apparent dilemma concerns the production of food and biofuel. There is really no dilemma between food and fuel however. Free price is the scissor to cut the fake Gordian knot.

In explaining the current food crisis, the production of biofuel has been named as one of the culprits which forced food prices to go up. Some sources typically harvested for food are now being turned into fuel as a solution to high crude oil prices and to some extent, as a solution to an environmental concern as well.

With all that, the food sector suddenly finds it is competing with the fuel production industry for supply; cross-elasticity of demand ensures that. Cross-elasticity is basically a fancy way in economics of saying changes in prices of one item affect the quantity demanded for another item. This happens when a product could substitute another dearer item. Coming back on track, as crude oil prices continue to rise, so too demand for alternative fuel. In this case, it is biofuel.

Price is essentially a signal of scarcity. Price reflects all available information about the associated good. In a market free of state intervention, all market participants will face prices that reflect the true situation of the market.

With free prices, market participants including producers will base their decisions on the true market situation. Within the context of food and fuel production, when there is relative scarcity of one item to another, production of the scarcer item will see an increase.

In the end, there will be a dynamic equilibrium between food and biofuel production closely matched to the reality on the ground.

With deeply statist policies in place however, information about the reality on the ground does not get relayed to market participants. Through subsidies, prices floor and ceiling and other mechanisms set in place for purposes ranging from welfare to environmental and development of new technology, prices are unfree. From there on, prices stop acting as a signal of scarcity. As market participants, consumers and producers alike choreograph their decisions based on these flawed prices, their actions will not approximate the true situation of the market.

The larger the effects of statist policies, the harder it is to estimate the true situation of the market, setting the stage for a painful fall. An extreme scenario would lead to a violent collapse of the state as the market would eventually overwhelm the state.

To a statist and even more to a populist, the question of food and fuel production is a dilemma. Price increases of food and crude oil require a hike of production of food and biofuel. Yet, there is a trade-off of production between the food and biofuel.

A statist in the end sits at his desk, trying to think which is more important to the society or in most cases, to the stability of the state. He has to devise a model, whatever the model may espouse, to decide on the matter.

An adherent of free market principles would deal with the question with an ease that would insult any statist. The free market solution is simple: let the market decide for itself.

Before that can happen, the prices have to be set free, especially from policies which suffer deadweight losses. This includes most if not all of welfare-based policies. As for policies on externalities and development of technology which could push the supply curve outward, it should be judged on a case-by-case basis. Let prices with true reflection of the market reach all market participants without unnecessary friction.

Once the market is free, the dilemma will dissolve into oblivion.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — a version of this article was first published at The Malaysian Insider.

Categories
Economics

[1656] Of shameless plug for my column

Heya!

Before I go out with my cameras to several temples in the city to witness Vesak Day, I would like to direct your attention to my column at The Malaysian Insider. I will be there every Monday to advance libertarianism in Malaysia!

The crux of that particular article which goes by the title Food? Fuel? Dilemma? is that free prices will help determine production with regard to the concern revolving around food and biofuel. By free, it is freedom, not free, a giveaway.