Categories
Liberty

[2165] Of we need practice and a little bit of courage

Words may contribute to violent behavior.

This potential makes various individuals apprehensive of the ideal of freedom and in this case, free speech. They fear the capability of words to subvert peace and stability. For our society to mature however, we must overcome that fear and continue to practice freedom.

Out of this fear, some would readily accuse others of sedition for uttering offensive words in hope that the State punishes the accused. Advocates of State action would argue that preventive actions are crucial to avoid realization of that fear.

This is observable in mainstream politics. Members and sympathizers of both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat and at times, even independents, are quick to charge the other side of sedition.

The latest case involves Nasir Safar, a former special officer to the Prime Minister who made disparaging remark about Chinese and Indian Malaysians. Some wanted him charged under the Sedition Act and some wanted his citizenship stripped.

DAP politicians meanwhile are quick to accuse Utusan Malaysia of sedition each time the conservative paper publishes provocative articles. In the case of the Perak crisis, Karpal Singh was charged for sedition for allegedly insulting the Sultan amid widespread discontent against the royal house.

In the aftermath of the Allah ruling and attacks on houses of worship, some wanted freedom of assembly be curbed, out of fear that it would repeat May 13 incident.

The apprehension of potential of words is understandable and even justifiable. From the point of liberty, if civil unrest does happen, a person’s right to life and his or her property, which typically is secured only during stable times, are at stake.

Still, freedom of expression, among other freedoms, is no less important than stability.

Trade-off between these concerns, between freedom and stability, is sometimes exist. When there is trade-off, more often than not, the one jettisoned into the blue ocean is freedom of expression. It becomes hard to convince others of the virtue of free speech when the society at large is confronted with actual threats to life and property.

In times of pure chaos for instance, which I should add is an extreme case, imposition of curfew is an important step in restoring the rule of law. This is a troubling thought.

Fortunately, only rarely does that erosion is justifiable. Absolute certainty is a requirement that must be fulfilled to make that erosion a necessary and acceptable sacrifice. That requirement is made with the recognition that that for every potential of disturbance, there is possibility for it not to occur. There is no certainty but rather, there is only suspicion and conjecture. Suspicion is not a sufficient condition for action; anybody can suspect anything. For one to advocate action is to assume that negative repercussions with absolute certainty, which is untrue.

Moreover, different individuals hold different things as offensive and perhaps, therefore potentially seditious. It is highly problematic to compromise somebody’s free speech in favor of stability because someone out there has trouble managing his or her emotion with respect to disagreeable words or ideas.

With the spirit of equality before the law, to have the State acting against every, or even any, individual for making statement that somebody out there deems as offensive with the assumption of certainty of words’ potential — with certainty that that somebody will go out and run amok —— in the background leads to a suffocating environment, where freedom cannot exist.

Therefore, if freedom is a concern at all, the mere potential of words —— fraud, explicit threat and orders to transgression of individual rights excluded —— does not justify forceful action by the State.

Those who prioritize stability —— in terms of security of life and property —— over liberty would argue for the adoption of precautionary principle to justify preventive action by the State. The adoption of the principle however rests upon what actually one seeks to preserve.

For freedom lovers, the least risky option is the preservation of not only life and property, but the preservation of freedom as well. Their precautionary principle is the requirement for certainty.

If the negative effects on life, property or both do happened and hence, its certainty ascertained, retribution by the State is necessary to remind all that any transgression of liberty has its price. This is the only way to deal with the negative potential of words without hurting freedom.

Consistent punishment, administered by the State, for all transgressions against individual liberty creates cost to the transgressors. That cost acts to discourage such transgression from happening, and thus lowering the probability of words translating into violent behavior.

This does not mean precaution cannot be taken. Precaution can be taken, and indeed it is wise to do so. Such precaution must come in terms of increased vigilance against violence, not against freedom, or in our context, words. There are always those who will attempt to cross the border. This must be addressed by having guards at the borders, not by making space within the boundary smaller.

This requirement of certainty crosses out items in the what-cannot-be-said list, transforming a society analogous to a room full of fragile vases, where everybody fears everything, into one of an open field. It provides members of the society opportunities to practice their freedom and discover by themselves the mature reactions to disagreeable words.

The mature reactions to disagreeable words always relate back to rational exhibition of why such words or ideas are wrong, if it is wrong at all, without resorting to forceful State action or personal coercive action. Immature reactions are ones that involves threats and violence. It is immature because the perpetrators are unable to deal with offensive ideas without resorting to violence.

That maturity mostly comes by learning how to restrain one’s action when faced with disagreeable words. It is about the negotiating the border without crossing it.

Such education of negotiation is crucial in inculcating the practice of restraint. The practice is crucial in embracing a free person’s personal responsibility: for a person to expect his or her individual rights secured, he or she must respect others. That respect comes through restraint in action.

Without free speech, with the State acts against supposedly offensive and seditious speeches out of fear, such training in freedom and education of the responsibility that entails with individual liberty cannot happen.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

A version of this article was first published in The Malaysian Insider on February 11 2010.

Categories
Liberty Society

[2121] Of refusing to agree to disagree

Is it not great to witness the culture of freedom spreading in Malaysia, no matter how painfully slow progress has been so far?

To observe individuals debating in the public sphere on issues that none was willing to ponder so openly in the past is an encouraging development for all freedom lovers. It opens up windows and doors of an old house to exchange stale air with fresh, belonging to that of delightfully fragrant summer days.

The bright light of summer now shines where darkness once reigned. With it, old perceptions succumb to more liberating views to present all with new possibilities to explore. The barrier to fulfilling individual potential is now less intimidating to overcome due to advancing freedom.

That barrier must continue to be chipped away. Challenges to greater freedom must be conclusively addressed, no inch must be surrendered.

With continual erosion of the fear of freedom, many Malaysians now are eager to practice their individual rights, especially free speech. They express their opinion in public space on issues ranging from the crucial to the comical. Along with liberty comes diversity of opinion, regardless of the validity of the opinion held.

There is a mechanism to sort out the issue of validity of opinion or ideas while respecting liberty. The mechanism is in the nature of spontaneous order and free competition, as each individual — or at least those who care enough — tries to convince the other of a position while others poke their fingers at that position, just as the invisible hand acts to allocate resources in a free, competitive market. It is the natural selection of ideas.

The act of convincing others through intelligent debate must continue to happen, if the process of natural selection is to separate the wheat from the chaff. If a society is interested in having the best ideas proliferate while phasing bad ones out to the margin, actions that prevent natural selection deserve rejection.

Most of the times, such actions detrimental to natural selection are easily identifiable because at its heart is coercion. A few common examples backed by coercion, as practiced by the governments all over the world — Malaysia definitely included — are banning of books, censorship on television and prohibition of public speaking. Others involving intolerant individuals include issuance of security threats, be it simply rhetorical or real.

Subtler is a situation when there is there is absence of coercion. Yes, challenges to the advances of liberty do not merely come in the form of coercion only. One way that it can exist is in form of thought-terminating clichés that try to end discussions held in the public sphere.

I have to be more concrete about this and I intend to do exactly that: how many times, when faced with difficult issues, has one heard the phrase ”agree to disagree”?

On the surface, a person who suggests for all to agree to disagree so politely sounds like a great liberal democrat. It signals willingness to tolerate diversity of opinion. The truth cannot be any farther however; the phrase somehow has wrongly gained reputation as the liberal thing to do.

Unable to convince others or unable to mount convincing rebuttals to a brilliantly presented point, and in a situation where all sides refuse to budge, such a suggestion when forwarded so politely immediately resolves tension. Case closed. Discussion ended. Criticism ceased.

Meanwhile, those who refuse to agree to disagree unfairly risk being accused as intolerant of diversity of opinion.

This is downright wrong.

The phrase and the spirit of ”agree to disagree” has nothing to do with free speech and the concept of liberty at large. Far from it, it seeks to end criticism without debating on points raised.

It does not promote free speech but in fact, it brings upon adverse effects to the agenda of freedom. This spirit masks itself as a liberal ideal but it is really an effort to cover a sign of weak intellect, by creating a force field to insulate the promoter of such illiberal spirit, from criticism.

Free speech does not come with freedom from criticism. Such insulation is the antithesis of the idea of freedom. At its worst, those who seek such insulation are intolerant of free speech. At the other end, at its best, they are either appealing to political expediency or running away from the issue.

The illiberal spirit of ”agree to disagree” is not the proper way of respecting diversity of opinion and liberty. The right way is by continually debating on the issues, no matter how sensitive they are — rationally and respectfully, without threats and force. It is the right way because the only factor that makes a point unassailable is its soundness.

All are entitled their own opinion but that does not mean every opinion is valid. The assertion that the Earth is flat is an opinion but we know that that is untrue. The spirit of ”agree to disagree” ignores the point on the validity of the idea. It treats all ideas as equally valid and sound when that is not the case. It is because not all opinions or ideas are valid that none should be beyond inspection and criticism. Hence, the invalidity of the appallingly inadequate spirit of ”agree to disagree”.

If that ersatz culture spreads and becomes the way of the majority, then that society, our society, is building its foundation on sand, incapable to supporting argument as good as we should because each time there are disagreements, we agree to disagree. Such weak foundation cannot support a liberal society in a convincing manner.

A free society will continually examine and re-examine any idea presented in the public space. Any action that discourages that, whether laced with coercion or not, is incongruous to the greater spirit of liberty and the goal of building a liberal society.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on November 30 2009.

Categories
Liberty Personal

[2038] Of oppressive public opinion, as described by Mill

I had trouble writing not too long ago. This is one of few reasons why my column at The Malaysian Insider was published late after Monday in the past few weeks. I constantly found myself writing several paragraphs only to delete it, deciding that I wanted to write something else instead. At first, I figured it was just typical writer’s block.

As I typically do when I find myself in that situation, I took time off to clear my head; in place of writing, I will turn to reading.

I had been trying to finish On Liberty by John Stuart Mill. I had spent too much time on it. Despite being a short piece, despite the fact that I am familiar with his ideas and despite that many of his ideas are the basis of my ideals, his style of writing proves difficult to follow. It requires a kind of concentration that casual reading just will not do.

If I sound as if I am complaining, please rest assured that I am not doing so. On the contrary, the effort demanded bore fruition for me for four reasons: it clarifies Mill’s idea for me, it strengthens my belief in individual liberty, it clarifies my own thought on the limits of government as I prepare to read Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State and Utopia and it answers why I had trouble writing.

What I suffered was not writer’s block at all. The problem was fear of reprisal from readers and individuals whom I have come acquainted with, be they friends, activists or politicians. Even since I become a columnist at the popular The Malaysian Insider, relatively, I have become more widely read. Forgive me if I am blowing my own trumpet but the following has to be written to provide context to my problem because being relatively widely read means I get the opportunity to meet more persons than I would otherwise.

I most treasure those relationships. With this in mind, I tend moderate my opinion so that whatever I say or write does not overly affect any good relationship I have.

At first, this was a small problem but it gradually, and unexpectedly, grew in weight that it began to adversely affect my ability, or rather, my willingness to write, offering criticism or simply different perspective. I did not realize that until I came around a chapter in On Liberty which touches on the effect of public opinion on individuality.

Opinions of these acquaintances have become what Mill calls public opinion. This public opinion quietly had suppressed my opinion simply because I care too much about what these people think of me. I, uncharacteristically, was afraid of becoming different.

Furthermore, the greater audience, compared to the one I had when I was simply writing for my blog, had caused me to be cautious about the issue that I chose to touch on. For instance, I have not written anything about religion for a very long time now. I know that my opinion on religion can get me into trouble, since I maintain an irreverent position with regards to it; Many among the Malaysian society are conservative when it comes to religion; their opinion too can be identified as what Mill calls public opinion.

These fears unconsciously encouraged me to commit to self-censorship, allowing the so-called public opinion to prevail over what I consider as better opinion in the public arena. The so-call public opinion then win the battle not because it is the best of all arguments, but because of numbers. There is only one me and there are countless of them,

The following from Mill’s On Liberty woke me up from falling into the trap of conformity:

There is one characteristic of the present direction of public opinion, peculiarly calculated to make it intolerant of any marked demonstration of individuality. The general average of mankind are not only moderate in intellect, but also of moderate in inclinations: they have no tastes or wishes strong enough to incline them to do anything unusual, and they consequently do not understand those who have, and class all such with the wild and the intemperate whom they are accustomed to look down upon. Now, in addition to this fact which is general, we have only to suppose that a strong movement has set in towards the improvement of morals, and it is evident what we have to expect. In these days such a movement has set in; much has actually been effected in the way of increased regularity of conduct, and discouragement of excesses; and there is a philanthropic spirit abroad, for the exercise of which there is no more inviting field than the moral and prudential improvement of our fellow creatures. These tendencies of the times cause the public to be more disposed than at most former periods to prescribe general rules of conducts, and endeavour to make every one conform to the approved standard. And that standard, express or tacit, is to desire nothing strongly. Its ideal of character is to be without any marked character; to maim by compression, like a Chinese lady’s foot, every part of human nature which stands out prominently, and tends to make the person markedly dissimilar in outline to commonplace humanity.

As is usually the case with ideals which exclude one-half of what is desirable, the present standard of approbation produces only an inferior imitation of the other half. Instead of great energies guided by vigorous reason, and strong feelings strongly controlled by a conscientious will, its result is weak feelings and weak energies, which therefore can be kept in outward conformity to rule without any strength either of will or of reason. Already energetic characters on any large scale are becoming merely traditional”¦ [John Stuart Mill. Chapter IV: Of the Limits to the Authority of Society Over the Individual. On Liberty. 1859

Those fears of mine threaten to suppress my individuality. I will not tolerate that.

Categories
Liberty

[2016] Of salutary effect on the calmer and more disinterested bystander…

I do not pretend that the most unlimited use of the freedom of enunciating all possible opinions would put an end to the evils of religous or philosophical sectarianism. Every truth which men of narrow capacity are in earnest about, is sure to be asserted, inculcated, and in many ways even acted on, as if no other truth existed in the world, or at all events none that could limit or qualify the first. I acknowledge that the tendency of all opinions to become sectarian is not cured by the freest discussion, but is often heightened and exacerbated thereby; the truth which ought to have been, but was not, seen, being rejected all the more violently because proclaimed by persons regarded as opponents. But it is not on the impassioned partisan, it is on the calmer and more disinterested bystander, that this collision of opinions works its salutary effect. Not the violent conflict between parts of the truth, but the quiet suppression of half of it, is the formidable evil: there is always hope when people are forced to listen to both sides; it is when they attend only to one that errors harden into prejudices, and truth itself ceases to have the effect of truth, by being exaggerated into falsehood. And since there are few mental attributes more rare than that judicial faculty which can sit in intelligent judgment between two sides of a question, of which only one is represented by an advocate before it, truth has no chance but in proportion as every side of it, every opinion which embodies any fraction of the truth, not only finds advocates, but is so advocated as to be listened to. [On Liberty. Chapter 2. John Stuart Mill. 1859]

Categories
Liberty

[1960] Of Judge Brandeis in 1927

In Malaysia, the slightest possibility of unrest due to free speech is taken by those in power as a ticket to suppress individual rights.

In California in 1927, that rationale was rejected by Judge Brandeis of the United States Supreme Court:

But it is hardly conceivable that this court would hold constitutional a stature which punished as a felony the mere voluntary assembly with a society formed to teach that pedestrians had the moral rights to cross uninclosed, unposted, wastelands and to advocate their doing so, even if there was imminent danger that advocacy would lead to trespass. The fact that speech is likely to result in some violence or in destruction of property is not enough to justify its suppression. There must be the probability of serious injury to the State. Among free men, the deterrents ordinarily to be applied to prevent crime are education and punishment for violations of the law, not abridgement of the rights of speech and assembly. [Whitney v. California. Louis Brandeis. 1927]