Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2676] Investment growth is volatile, a slowdown is not necessarily extraordinary or worrying

Some parts of the economy enjoy stable growth rates in normal times. Consumption and government spending are two of the GDP components which grow in a stable manner, unless there is a recession. As much as ridiculous as it may sound (yeah, that is the libertarian in me speaking out), the government does plan its expenditure and that is one of the reasons for smooth government expenditure growth. The same with consumers and others in the private sector too.

Export and import growth rates are stable too, although it is more volatile that the consumption component.

The same cannot be said with investment. It is a stylized fact in macroeconomics that the investment component of the GDP is wildly volatile. It is by far the most volatile of all GDP components. In one period it could reach for the sky and in the next, it could be six feet underground.

Here is a chart to show exactly how volatile investment is compared to other components of the real GDP of Malaysia:

Malaysia RGPD Component 2006-2012

The volatility of GDP investment component (truly, it is gross fixed capital formation) will be mostly true for other countries as well.

So, anybody who wants to score a political point cannot really score a political point if investment in one period slowed drastically. It is the nature of the series. It is just how the economy works.

I write this because the Penang state government has come under criticism because investment into the state has fallen dramatically.[1] Given the context of volatility and investment, I would not take the criticism too seriously.

Now the investment figures referred to are not strictly the real GDP investment component (the one that is of controversy is the approved investment figures), but the nature of volatility is the same anyway.

Slow investment growth may be a worry but only if there is a significant slowdown in the sense that there is structural break. In other words, something like if the average investment growth from 2005 to 2010 is significantly lower than the average from 2001 to 2005. In contrast, if investment growth in 4Q2012 is significantly lower than in 3Q2012, or even if 2012 as a whole is lower than 2011, I do not think one can say much without further context: from the series itself without further context , an investment growth slowdown or even an outright investment slowdown gives out no real story.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
[1] — GEORGE TOWN: A DIP of 73 per cent in investment flow into Penang has the state Barisan Nasional questioning the state government’s abilities to drive and continue growing the manufacturing and services sectors. Both sectors, state BN committee member Ong Thean Lye said, were the main sources of revenue for the state and had in previous years placed Penang at the top in the country’s investment ranking. However, there were now growing concerns that investments were on the decline with Penang only getting RM2.47 billion in investments last year compared with RM9.11 billion in 2011 and RM12.24 billion in 2010. [Looi Sue-Chern. Harvard’s Gopinath Helps France Beat Euro Straitjacket. New Straits Times. March 22 2013]

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2675] The taxpayer’s deplorable options

I do consider the payment of income tax as a responsibility I must fulfill. As a member of society, I have some responsibilities toward its maintenance. The fact that I am a citizen makes that responsibility of paying taxes doubly important.

That responsibility arises from my enjoyment of multiple public goods that exist through public funding, never mind that its distribution may be less than ideal since only a minority of Malaysians pay income tax, and never mind that some public goods can be provided for through private means.

The provision of these public goods makes the sum of the income tax that I pay more palatable to me than being robbed on the streets or being swindled by a snake oil salesman. At least, I get something out of the money that I pay out even as there are cases of mismanagement or abuse of public resources by the government of the day.

While I do rationalize the payment of income tax and other types of taxes as such, that does not mean I enjoy paying those taxes. I dislike paying taxes and I especially dislike paying income tax as opposed to consumption tax. Sometimes, I do wonder how far we have progressed since the days of old when the fruits of one’s labor were expropriated by men — in the name of equality, as well as women — of power. Perhaps progress is the fact that tax rates today are lower than they were in times of feudalism. Perhaps, perhaps, perhaps”¦ I tell myself perhaps.

What is certain is that I am sensitive to the income tax rates that I face.

The tax rates themselves are linked back to government expenditure. That makes me sensitive to plans which lead to government expenditure growth.

Apart from my distrust in the government in guaranteeing my civil rights, taxation is one of the other few reasons for my skepticism of the expansion of the role of government in our society. It can hit my pockets, which is not as deep as those in power.

The upcoming general election provides me with an opportunity to assess the options that I have on the table. This election may be the first ever where Malaysians can choose which economic policies they prefer to see implemented.

There have been manifestoes written and shared before of course but the 2013 general election makes it most realistic to imagine a change in federal government, without any political exchange in the style of the failed September 16, 2008 (and by the stars, let there not be any).

Yet, the choices so far have been disappointing.

On one hand there is Barisan Nasional where despite all the sleek public relations exercises suggestive of change, it is still business as usual in too many ways. For one, abuse of public funds goes on as usual.

Just the other day, the deputy prime minister declared that children of workers of Pos Malaysia — a private company after it was divested away by Khazanah Nasional Berhad to DRB Hicom which is ultimately controlled by Syed Mokhtar Al-Bukhary — would be given free netbooks by the Malaysian Communication and Multimedia Commission.

This is the use of public resources to benefit private parties and this is only one example of abuse; Barisan Nasional has no qualms utilizing public funds for its election campaign.

Those kinds of abuse adversely impact government expenditure in one way or another.

The government in its 2013 Budget plans to embark on fiscal consolidation, which is admirable. Yet, plans are plans and it looks all the more incredible as each day passes by. Each day of campaigning is another day the government of the day embarks on economic populism that is funded by public funds in an abusive way to blow the fiscal consolidation plan apart.

On the other hand we have Pakatan Rakyat.

Pakatan Rakyat does offer a vision to address the weaknesses of the incumbent government. Considerable portions of its manifesto try to address monopoly in the private sector that was actively created by the Barisan Nasional government which is something I can support. Pakatan Rakyat’s proposal to increase competition in the automotive industry is also something that I and many have argued for.

Yet, Pakatan Rakyat’s plans to reduce fuel prices, water tariff and others through greater subsidies will demand expansion of government expenditure. That is of significant worry to me. This is especially so when it is clear that the government will require a structural change in doing things in order to lower the fiscal deficit.

Pakatan Rakyat’s plans appear to move the position of public finance to the opposite direction.

Apart from the plan for increased expenditure, the political coalition is averse to expanding the tax base in the form of introducing the goods and services tax to replace the pre-existing sales and services tax. What is all the more remarkable is that Pakatan Rakyat plans to reduce personal income tax.

With increased spending and reduced taxation, the deficit may increase especially if other sources of revenue do not increase fast enough. This raises more questions on the revenue side. Does Pakatan Rakyat plan to increase company taxes and other indirect taxes? Will a Pakatan Rakyat government look to Petronas — which is trying to invest in itself more — for more contribution?

Second Finance Minister Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah claimed that Pakatan Rakyat’s plans would nearly triple the fiscal deficit when compared to 2012 level when compared to nominal GDP and increase government debt level by 10 percentage points to 62 per cent of GDP.

Now, it is election time and his claim should be taken with a pinch of salt. Nevertheless, the direction of change in those figures as suggested by the minister appears reasonable. It does not take a person with wild imagination to think that the fiscal deficit and the debt level under Pakatan Rakyat’s plan will increase.

Pakatan Rakyat itself has not sufficiently clarified how it plans to do all that it promises without increasing the deficit. Its 2013 national manifesto is quite silent on the combined impacts of greater expenditure and its revenue plan on public finance. Pakatan Rakyat supporters have at one time or another claimed the Pakatan Rakyat government will curb corruption and leakage so much that it will allow a scenario of greater spending and unchanged taxation. While I am impressed with Pakatan Rakyat’s commitment to an open tender system for one, I am skeptical that those leakages and corruptions will be easy to tackle and if it is successful, it will release sufficient resources to plug any financial gap.

I ultimately do not believe heightened fiscal deficit and debt level will be sustainable to maintain a good standard of public finance. Economic forces are bigger than either Barisan Nasional or Pakatan Rakyat and I think when both parties are free from populist pressure and faced with the stark reality of public finance, they will tend to do what is responsible.

So if Pakatan Rakyat does get the opportunity to govern Malaysia and run its plans, sooner or later it will likely have to make room for realism with regards to its tax promises or its spending-related promises. Unfortunately, more often than not, raising taxes is far easier than cutting expenditure.

It is within this context that I consider Pakatan Rakyat’s words on taxes to be as incredible as the Barisan Nasional-led federal government plans for fiscal consolidation in 2013.

As a taxpayer, I am staring at my deplorable options.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in The Malaysian Insider on March 15 2013.

Categories
Economics

[2674] It is Scott Sumner Day, again

How do you write Scott Sumner Day in Japanese? Haruhiko Kuroda Day?

The BOJ said it changed the target for money-market operations from the overnight call rate to the monetary base — cash in circulation and the money that financial institutions have on deposit at the central bank. It predicts the measure will grow to 270 trillion yen by the end of 2014. [Toru Fujioka. Masahiro Hidaka. BOJ Doubles Bond Purchases in First Kuroda Easing Salvo. Bloomberg. April 4 2013]

The last Scott Sumner Day fell in September 2012, the day the Federal Reserve announced QE-infinity.

It is not exactly nominal GDP level targeting, but the shift from rate to level is a big one.

I still do not quite fully understand it but I am sure the commentary over the internet will help.