Categories
Liberty Politics & government

[1600] Of activist monarchy

When DAP called for a boycott of a swearing-in ceremony for the Menteri Besar of Perak, Utusan Malaysia ran a headline labeling DAP as rude: the headline was “DAP Biadap”.[1] Now that UMNO had boycotted the swearing-in ceremony for the Menteri Besar of Terengganu, Utusan failed to replay the same message all over again. Regardless the crass hypocrisy, both episodes were caused by intervention of respective state palace in a political process which the palace should have no say in and the trend of monarchs actively interfering in the process worries me.

I have always considered a monarch as a figurehead in Malaysia. After the bloodless Thai coup d’etat in 2006, somehow, taking cue from the Thais, many Malaysians began to elevate the role of the monarchy institution as the fourth branch of government. And with that, the monarchy system starts to hold itself higher than usual, however limited their influence are.

I am fan of organic politics and therefore, I believe political power has to be primarily derived from the ground up whenever it concerns the make-up of a society. In other words, the state, or any entity that shares similar function derives its legitimacy from the governed. So, when a monarch, specifically the Sultan of Terengganu, begins to exert his power against organic processes, I find it hard to side with him, even while I quietly celebrate the fact that UMNO — particularly, the Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s loyalists — found itself in a quagmire, even when I sort of like the Sultan.

At the center of the controversy in Terengganu is the sovereign’s ability to appoint the chief of the executive; the Sultan does not approve the candidate which garners the trust of the majority for the Menteri Besar post and it does not end there. The Sultan went on to appoint the candidate of his choice which very much goes against the majority power in the state assembly. Regardless the constitutional legalese which is beginning to plague the issue at hand, it is the spirit of the document that matters, not the letter and my position is that the Sultan should bow to the organic process.

To solve the issue once and for all, I favor direct election into the office of the Menteri Besar. And the Prime Ministership for that matter. With this, the monarchy will have no opportunity to overturn the wishes of the people. In fact, this method to a certain extent transfer the power of political parties’ bureaucrats to the people. It kills two birds with one stone.

Nevertheless, the friction between the Sultan and UMNO may finally give meaning to the idea of federalism in Malaysia, which by the way is experiencing a shoved-to-the-backstage treatment for far too long. The federal government has too much power over state politics and this is obvious through the Prime Minister’s influence in the selection of various states’ Menteri Besar or Chief Minister, except, possibly for Sarawak and states not under BN’s control. Therefore, the crisis may actually be a blessing in disguise; the monarchy as the fourth branch of government — activist monarchs — may not be a bad idea, after all.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — KUALA LUMPUR 13 Mac — Ketua Penerangan UMNO, Tan Sri Muhammad Muhd. Taib menyifatkan arahan DAP supaya wakil rakyatnya di Perak memulaukan majlis angkat sumpah pelantikan Menteri Besar, sebagai sungguh biadap dan kurang ajar. [DAP Biadap. Utusan Malaysia. March 13 2008]

Categories
Liberty Politics & government

[1598] Of lack of free press caused the shock

Astonished. Surprised. Shocked. Unexpected. A thesaurus has a spectrum of words to describe the result of the 2008 Malaysian general election. While the result delighted me, I wonder if the result would be as shocking as it was if we had freer press.

In the run-up to March 8, the function of the mainstream media was transformed from that of as informants to that of as brainwashing machines. What was a channel of reporting organic news became a propaganda machine that would rival Izvestia. Contrary to popular belief, in the Soviet Union, Pravda was not the propaganda machine many believed it was. That function was performed by Izvestia; Pravda was the medium that relayed official policies to the masses. Regardless, both were notorious for it contributions to communism in Soviet Union. There is a saying in Russian that described the lies of both newspapers: in The Truth, there is no news and in The News, there is no truth. Both Pravda and Izvestia mean the truth and the news in Russian respectively.

That saying described the Malaysian mainstream media aptly because no news and no truth were reported. From MCA-owned The Star to the UMNO-owned New Straits Times and Berita Harian, all of them were eager to shape opinion rather than committing to neutrality in reporting. This is so because they are unfree to report organic news; news had to be presented in a way that influence opinion rather than simply inform. Due to this, there was a serious disconnect between sentiment on the ground to accepted reality of those high in the establishment.

The cognitive dissonance was only reconciled at the ballot boxes. And obviously, those in the establishment whom believed their own lies were shocked to discover how far off they were from reality.

The odd thing about this explanation is that even the sources of organic news, the voters themselves, were surprised at the outcome of the election, despite strong observable undercurrent. What actually caused the differential between voters’ expectation and the actual result?

I am inclined to speculate that history matters a lot in expectation formation. After so long being used to Barisan Nasional’s wide influence in all aspects of the state, voters somehow are used to it. Considering that each time the pendulum swung such as in 1999 and 1990, it did not swing as much as many expected it to be, many would naturally ask why would 2008 be any different.

Furthermore, to some extent, the influence of the mainstream media may have convinced voters that the general sentiment was pro-Barisan Nasional.[1]

In the final analysis, I believe if the mainstream media was freer and was more readily willing to report organic news, a clear picture would have reached all voters sooner rather than later and the result that we saw on March 8 and 9 would have been less of a shock to most of us.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — Even The Economist believed it was so:

The Economist Intelligence Unit expects the ruling coalition to win, and to maintain a two-thirds or better majority in parliament. [An election in Malaysia. The Economist. March 6 2008]

Categories
Politics & government

[1596] Of speech on race by Obama

In case you missed it:

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[youtube]U4fX9a97KkU[/youtube]

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Categories
Economics Politics & government Society

[1595] Of flawed policy, not flawed implementation

While I am happy with a new path made possible by the recent general election, I am slightly disappointed at the way DAP and PKR are dismissing the outmoded New Economic Policy. Prior to the election and the campaigning period, I was impressed at how the two parties leaders were rejecting the NEP at the policy level. During the campaigning period however, there was a subtle change in reasoning. Suddenly, the NEP is being rejected because of its flawed implementation.[1] While obviously annoyed at the change of approach, I kept mum throughout the contest; there is time for a debate and there is time to bite one’s tongue. When there is an enemy in front of oneself and the situation is pressing, one does not conduct a debate with one’s compatriots on how to outmaneuver the enemy. Instead, one pulls his knife out and march forth. But now with the enemy vanquished, the time for the debate has arisen yet again.

The NEP is an outdated policy because it fails to adapt itself to new reality of freer global market. At one time given the landscape of the 1970s, it was a suitable policy but now, it is clear that the NEP is one barrier the Malaysia must overcome to realize a freer market and achieve greater prosperity. Another reason is that there are better policies out there that seek to eradicate of poverty or more realistically, provide social mobility compared to the NEP. The NEP assumes that only the Malays are poor whereas in fact, the Malays are not economically homogeneous and neither are other ethnic groups in this country. In other words, the NEP is a blunt policy. A better policy with the intention of providing social mobility and equality of opportunities are the ones that are conscious of socio-economic indicators — meritocracy.

The NEP is being exploited exactly because it is a blunt policy. With its flawed or outdated assumption that all Malays are economically backward, the well-off Malays are undeservedly receiving aid despite the fact that they can effort to live comfortably without any kind of affirmative action. Due to the way the policy is designed, benefits meant for the poor are now enjoyed by others. This rationale parallels the thinking that fuels the awfully badly designed fuel subsidy policy in Malaysia.

Observe how the flaw is at the policy level and not at the implementation stage. When the policy is flawed, its innate handicap is merely being executed at the implementation stage.

Rejecting the NEP because of its flawed implementation is a flawed thinking. Economist Mahani Zainal Abidin said several days ago something to the effect that if the implementation of the NEP is flawed, then policy should be retained with only its implementation processes modified to make it more effective. She is absolutely right.

If the NEP is to be rejected, its rationale has to be deeper than mere flawed implementation.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — Demikian penegasan Menteri Besar Selangor, Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim mengenai pendiriannya mengenai pelaksanaan Dasar Ekonomi Baru yang dikatakan akan dihapuskan di bawah pentadbiran DAP di Pulau Pinang.

“Apabila tahun 1990-an, kita dapati DEB telah disalahgunakan yang hanya mementingkan segelintir masyarakat Melayu dan segelintir masyarakat Cina dan India yang mempunyai hubungan dengan Umno,” katanya dalam sidang akhbar yang diadakan di Kediaman Rasmi Menteri Besar, di sini, hari ini. [“DEB disalahguna, diselewengkan” – Tan Sri Khalid. HarakahDaily. March 17 2008]

Categories
Politics & government

[1591] Of good and bad ministers

These are ministers that I have reserved some respect for (in no particular order):

  1. Mohd Zaid Ibrahim (for being a liberal)
  2. Amirsham A. Aziz (for his professional experience)
  3. L. Devamany (for having a conscience)
  4. Nor Mohamed Yakcop (for economic-literacy)
  5. Syed Hamid Albar (I seem to like him for some unidentifiable reason)
  6. Rais Yatim (for his academic qualification)
  7. Maximus Ongkili (for daring to speak up)
  8. Khaled Nordin (for just being a nice guy)
  9. Shahrir Samad (for having a conscience)

I hope these individuals will bring sense to the new Cabinet.

The following should however resign immediately before they embarrass the country:

  1. Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (for inconsistency and incompetence)
  2. Nazri Aziz (for un-parliamentarian behavior)
  3. Johari Baharom (for possibly being corrupt and blatant abuse of the OSA)
  4. Nor Omar (for issuing stupid statements)
  5. Muhammad Muhd Taib (for corruption as well as for frivolous police reports)