Categories
Economics Education Politics & government

[2440] Opposing double deduction for scholarship abroad

The government intends to give corporations double deduction for sponsoring students. While it is great to encourage the private sector to give out scholarships to students so that there are fewer reasons for government to do so, I think the double deduction is a bad idea. There two reasons.

First, I am with the idea that the government is spending too much money on sending undergraduates abroad. When the destination countries are developed countries like United States and the United Kingdom, the scholarship program as a whole will be awfully expensive. If you are to attend the University of Michigan as a government-sponsored student in a typical 4-year undergraduate program for instance, the tuition alone can surpass half a million ringgit, just like that.[1]

Of course, Michigan is not your typical university and there are of course cheaper universities out there in the US but most of those cheaper universities do not bring value to public money when there are better alternatives closer to home. You do not want to pay half a million ringgit to send something to a school like, oh, I don’t know, Ohio State University maybe?

Okay, that is uncalled for but you get my drift. OSU is a good university, only that Michigan is way better, in every single way. Including, thank the heavens, in football too!

I prefer the government to use the money on improving the local tertiary education instead. Money of course can only do so much. There are other factors like freedom on campus (Malaysian public universities seriously lack this) to develop a free inquiry culture but money does matter.

There are exceptions to my opposition to public scholarship to abroad, but these exceptions are so small that even putting them up while drastically reducing the program will free up tons of money for other uses. In the double deduction policy, since awards for places abroad is costlier than local spots, companies have the incentives to send students abroad, at taxpayers’ expense.

Secondly, the double deduction reduces government tax revenue only to do what the government is doing in the first place. It is only fee-shifting or paper-shifting so to speak. It does not matter who spends it because in the end, it will use taxpayer money. If the number of awards—for local and overseas spots—stays the same, then this policy will only increase the cost, explicitly or implicitly, of maintaining the policy, explicitly or implicitly. When the result is the same, why do it convolutedly? Such an accounting trick will add more cost than necessary to the government.

If the government is reducing scholarship award, then the money will flow out anyway before it gets in. It will show lower revenue and lower spending and then, maybe, smaller government. That is only because of that accounting trick. Like all accounting tricks, it is superficial.

At the very least, I think the double deduction should come with a caveat: only for sponsorships at local schools. If anybody wants to send somebody abroad, they should use their own money entirely.

Or otherwise, maybe just reduce corporate and service tax altogether so that this problem with double deduction would not be a problem to start with. That would truly be more substantial than that particular 2012 budget provision.

Or yet another or-case, the government should only give out less than 100% deduction while reducing the number of public scholarship awards to abroad.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
[1] — [Office of the Registrar. Full Term Tuition & Fees. University of Michigan. Accessed October 9 2011]

Categories
Economics Liberty Politics & government

[2434] Is bailout of government preferred to bankruptcy?

Not all bailouts are the same. When a bailout socializes losses but privatizes gains, it can easily be judged through moral lens on top of existing economic reasoning. The interaction between government and the private entities is deplorable exactly because of lemon socialism. I find it harder to make a damning judgment when it is a bailout of government.

Some of the same crucial points applicable in the case of government bailing out private enterprise to me appear to assume lesser weight when it is the government which is being bailed out.

I do not see such bailout as a duty. Duty is too strong a word to describe what I feel but I do experience some grudging willingness to not oppose the bailout. What is troubling for me is that I am struggling to justify that willingness.

Why is a national government any different from a private entity that is too big to fail? Should the bailout in both cases be treated differently?

My initial take is that we individually and collectively do make mistakes sometimes and these mistakes are innocent in the sense that we are unlucky or that we did not know better. This line of reasoning is appealing when the direct stakeholders are the people. The national government, the reasonably democratic one at least, may have made bad decisions on behalf of the people but idea of letting the government fails appears absolutely cruel too me.

Maybe, a second chance is in order and whomever who bail the government out is an angel. What is important is that the government and the people learn their lesson. In some sense, this makes me supportive of the bailout of Indonesian and South Korean governments by the International Monetary Fund. These bailouts impressed upon the governments and its society the lessons of failure. These countries eventually experienced improved overall outcome, not just in terms of government finance and its economy, but it restructured the countries’ politics for the better, especially Indonesia.

Yet, wide suffering of the people cannot be the factor differentiating bailout of government from lemon socialism. In the case of too big to fail that plays a huge part in lemon socialism we have seen in recent years, the absence of bailout can adversely affect the lives of so many individuals indirectly. If lemon socialism is to remain despicable, then regardless of directedness of the stake holding, the suffering factor does not provide a clean cut. The eventual result is suffering in times of crisis however one looks at it.

The magnitude of suffering could partly be the answer, but I find it hard to make objective decision with such a subjective qualifier.

Suffering could be a necessary condition regardless of magnitude, but it alone cannot qualify as a sufficient condition. Somehow, suffering is merely a side issue irrelevant to the consideration of acceptability of bailout.

And there are a lot of sufferings in the world. Some of it is a case of accident and those are most unfortunate. Others are just, in the sense that you reap what you sow. That has to be differentiated. But I do not see how this is helpful in differentiating actions of the two bailouts. In lemon socialism, bad luck and consciously risky action gone bad can affect different people but at the same time. In many times, separating the two in a bailout is extremely hard if not impossible. Observe the bailout of corporations in the US where executive received bonus out of bailout funds aimed at aiding “Main Street”. In that case, one saves the innocents by saving the guilty.

So, I am forced to address the issue from another angle.

What if a government defaults? More than default, a government goes bankrupt. A lot of sovereign national governments have defaulted its financial obligations before but what if a government goes bankrupt?

If creditors assume control of the government, then this may make a bailout appear favorable. If the democratic way of life is cherished, the government would become undemocratic, being firstly answerable to the creditors rather than the citizens. This is probably the most extreme case where the government is effectively colonized because it will have to be put under receivership or the creditors. This is probably the most anti-democratic possibility under national bankruptcy. It is possibly anathema to libety as well, assuming national sovereignty is directly derived from individual sovereignty.

Due to its anti-democratic ending, maybe a bailout is favorable. Still, the recipient of the bailout itself will be beholden to its rescuer. Perhaps, a bailout is only a nicer of collar. The Asian bailouts by the IMF were not pretty, although the alternative was uglier.

(By the way, this is not applicable to Greece and Germany. Germany and others within the Eurozone have to bail Greece and others because they want to defend the Euro. That essentially changes the question from bailout of national government to the favorability of maintaining the euro. Also, the economies are closely-linked that bailing out Greece is the only viable solution, while ignoring moral hazard problem. I am probably thinking the US bailout of Mexico in 1995, or as I mentioned, the IMF Asian bailouts)

But I am in the opinion that such extreme case is unlikely to happen. But what other alternative would prevail in the event of bankruptcy?

It could be something like Germany-like with reparation post-WWI? But the point of bankruptcy is that the national government could not repay the loan. To have the reparation route seems like an abuse by the creditor. But if the route is taken, the “bankruptcy tax” to make up for the default might be a good alternative to a bailout, the problem of seigniorage notwithstanding.

What about the stripping of the government by creditors to claim whatever left as theirs? Would that mean the collapse of government? If the government does collapse and along with the state, would it not be easy to set up a new government and state? Sounds like a good idea and actually strengthens the anti-bailout position. But this would make a mockery of the process. Would the new state be essential a new one or is it really the same state in new clothes? If the new state is actually a new state, then no default in the world would matter because everything can be start anew.

Starting afresh however is outrageous. That is obviously a flawed thinking. It is likely that the market will see the new state as the old state, thus would treat the new state however it treated the old one: demand for high yield is one treatment.

There is a precedent: Argentina in 2002. That ended with merely debt restructuring, and along with grave civil disturbance, capital flight and depressed economy, although most of these were the results of ongoing economic crisis that caused the default in the first place. I said merely because the creditors did not have a hold on the government, the government escaped any retribution from the creditors (despite it suffering economic backlashes) and in fact, the creditors were punished through the debt restructuring. And this actually makes default favorable to me (although it is unclear to me if that default is equivalent to bankruptcy).

This is turning out to be a rambling where I bite more than I can chew.

So what exactly will happen if a national sovereign government, or better, a state goes bankrupt? Does it only mean outrageous yield? Collapse? Effective occupation by creditors?

In the end, whether or not I prefer a bailout to bankruptcy depends on the end results. I am a consequentialist as far as bailout is concerned. But this is unhelpful and goes against my preferred way of deriving an issue from the principle, in the sense of John Rawl’s Veil of Ignorance. What good is it to be able to decide after the fact?

Maybe I am thinking too much from the perspective of the state. I will continue to think more about this. But for now, time to read.

Categories
Liberty Politics & government

[2430] Let us inspect the qualifications first

Prime Minister Najib Razak has just delivered a much awaited speech.[1] It is much awaited because it was hyped up by the media. The speech did contain important announcement of intentions but the first 15 minutes were full of fluff.

The substance came later in the second half of the speech. He said his administration intends to repeal all declarations of emergency still in force. These declarations are frequently cited as anti-liberty and as means to circumvent more rigorous laws. He mentioned that the necessary bills will be sent to the Parliament for consideration.

My first reaction was one of excitement. Yet, questions linger. Will we see the return of local elections? There is no explicit mention of that. There are other questions in my mind that require answers.

With that realization, I take a skeptical position. This skepticism grew as the PM read more of his speech.

The proposed abolition of the Internal Security Act for instance should be a reason for liberals to cheer but two new laws are being proposed to replace the ISA. I fear that this may be merely a renaming exercise, due to the qualifications the PM included in his speech.

Another is the annual renewal of permit for the press. The proposal on the table is to replace that mechanism with a system where a license will only be canceled until it is canceled by the government. Does this mean the government will have the discretionary power to cancel a license just like that? That is not much better than the current setup. I prefer a renewal system where the permit lasts more than 5 years beyond typical election cycle to limit political manipulation by the government, be it one led by Barisan Nasional, Pakatan Rakyat or anybody for that matter. It limits discretionary power. The newly proposed system increases opportunity for discretion. The problem has always been the exercise of discretionary power, not the permit system per se.

These qualifications are important because these qualifications will be the true measure of sincerity of this announcement and of any effort at liberalization.

The Prime Minister and his administration deserve a nod for this liberalization plan but let us inspect the qualifications first before applauding the administration.

And I will believe it, after I see it finally done.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reservedMohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — [Najib Razak. Perutusan Hari Malaysia. Office of the Prime Minister of Malaysia. September 15 2011]

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2417] Being honest about crime

There are always victims in an economic recession. It can push individuals into desperation and force them potentially to do something that they would not otherwise do. It can turn the man on the streets into a criminal.

There is a relationship between economic recessions and unemployment rates and there is a relationship between unemployment and crime rates. An empty stomach has a way of convincing that the wrongness of stealing is only a secondary worry to the concern of the stomach. Rule of law can be meaningless in times of desperation.

The hungrier one gets because of external circumstances, the greater the erosion on one’s belief in the rule of law. The reward of specific types of crime becomes enticing.

Although there are risks involved in committing the crime, its relative immediate reward has the potential of immediately relieving hunger. A little chance of not going hungry is better than no chance at all.

Before these sentences are misconstrued as a justification or even an encouragement for criminal activities, let it be known the difference between describing and prescribing. One describes without making value judgment. One prescribes with value judgment. This is an effort at the former.

The relationship between economic recession (or perhaps the term economic downturn is a better phrase to escape the banality of technicalities) and unemployment rate is well-established. This requires no further exposition. The relationship between unemployment and crime rates is also well-explored.

What makes exposition important for the latter is that in Malaysia, there is an increasing tendency to ignore it. In its place, there is a belief that an alphabet soup causes the decline in reported crime rate.

That narrative needs to be assessed and then made blunt in the interest of sincerity. Partisan political discussions sometimes can push honesty aside for political convenience. It is all about brownie points. The utility of free speech is essential in putting less-than-honest assertion in perspective.

There are many documentations proving how unemployment contributes to crime rate. Karin Edmark in 2005 showed how ”unemployment had a positive and significant effect on some property crimes in Sweden.”

Property crimes can be associated with theft, which can be associated to what can be called as crime of the stomach. In 2002, Eric Gould, Bruce Weinberg and David Mustard found a similar result for general crime rate for young, unskilled labor in the United States, between 1979 and 1997.

Steven Raphael and Rudolf Winter-Ebmer in 2001 found the same relationship in the United States in the 1990s. They wrote ””¦a substantial portion of the decline in property crime rates during the 1990s is attributable to the decline in the unemployment rate.”

There is little reason why it should be different for other parts of the world, including Malaysia.

It is highly instructive to learn that if indeed actual crime rate had decreased in Malaysia, it happened only while the economy was recovering, thus creating the jobs needed to reduce unemployment.

It is equally instructive that crime rate was on the rise around the same time the Great Recession was at its peak, adversely affecting external demand for Malaysian goods and through that, jobs in Malaysia.

In February 2009, the unemployment rate was 4.1 per cent. In the same month in 2010, the rate was 3.6 per cent. Out of the 12 months, the 11 months of 2009 had higher unemployment rate than the same month a year later. If anybody requires any reminder, it was 2010 when the domestic economy was recovering at a worthwhile rate. The year 2009 was just horrible.

The severity of that number can be put in better context. The annual rate for 2006, 2007 and 2008 was around 3.3 per cent. In 2009, it is estimated to be 3.7 per cent. The estimate for 2010 is already lower than the year before, at 3.5 per cent.

As for the 2010 crime rate, the crime index fell by about 15 per cent compared to the previous year, according to a Bernama report. It also stated that the ”achievement was a result of the Royal Malaysia Police’s (PDRM) 12 initiatives to battle crime nationwide,” those initiatives being the Government Transformation Program. The arrogance and the dishonesty are truly remarkable.

The narrative of the results from the government’s effort at combating crime must compete with the mainstream uncontroversial economic one. This is not to say government effort is worthless, but for it and its supporters to claim too much credit, or in this case all the credit for the alleged drop in crime rate without even blinking amid the well-established and stronger case between unemployment and crime rate is too much to take. That is undue credit.

It must compete, just like how the government and its supporters claimed the undue credit for the Malaysian economic recovery when in fact, it was mostly the then rising tide of global economy that lifted the Malaysian boat.

Little things do matter. Actual effort at combating crime by the government and the wider public do matter and they are most appreciated. Nevertheless, do not be dishonest about it. Such dishonesty will discredit all the good real things done.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in The Malaysian Insider on August 21 2011.

Categories
Politics & government Society

[2398] Bersih and the wider trust deficit

Somewhere in Streatham, south of London earlier this year, I found myself slouching lazily on a couch watching the BBC with a friend and his still lazier cat. On television was the Egyptian revolution ”live”, with protesters and government supporters throwing rocks at each other. Such was the lamentable state of Egypt that used to be the apex of human civilization not once, but twice. Its deeply flawed institutions had reduced Egypt into a state of anarchy.

”Don’t you find this impossible?” I think I asked my friend. ”We know these protesters want Mubarak out but what about his supporters? Are their wishes less legitimate than those protesting on the streets?”

The reply came promptly, ”The importance of a credible election. Credible elections are important in determining popular opinion. Nothing in Egypt has enough credibility or the competence to ascertain the popular opinion right now.”

The Arab Spring is an extreme example but it does highlight the importance of a working electoral system. It highlights the importance of individuals trusting a system to aggregate popular opinion fairly and peacefully.

For this reason, the effort at electoral reforms by Bersih is important. Some of its demands add transparency in the electoral process and transparency goes a long way in creating credibility.

Bersih, of course, is about electoral reforms but the question of confidence in institutions is really part of the larger trust deficit problem in Malaysia. The problem of trust deficit is this: a considerable portion of Malaysians distrusts the government. And they are not libertarians. Rather, they are part of the everyday people.

It does not matter whether that portion makes up the majority of Malaysian society or not. The point is that they are big enough that they cannot be ignored, or banned just like that. There is no place for an ostrich if the country plans to solve the deficit.

For Malaysia, distrust in public institutions will not degenerate to the deplorable level seen in the Arab world recently anytime soon. It is an exaggeration to say otherwise. That is a long way down the canyon. Yet, various other not-so-ideal things can happen with the lack of confidence in public institutions.

When the public distrusts the courts, the police and everything that is commonly understood as the typical uncontroversial functions of the state, the government will have a hard time doing its job.

Take distrust in the police, for example. Crime cannot be the responsibility of the police alone. Crime fighting requires co-operation from the public. In an overly distrusting environment, is there a reason for a person to aid the police? Be a witness for the police? Is there a reason for the person to report the occurrence of crime to the police? Is there a reason for the person to believe the police will protect them?

All that will see individuals investing in their security, taking resources away from more productive activities. They make redundant activities typically funded by taxes.

This is already happening. Drive around Petaling Jaya and other neighborhoods and one can see what effectively are gated communities. Residents are pooling their resources to hire private firms to secure their property.

It shows they are distrustful of the police. Or at least how they do not believe that the police are competent enough to serve them, the taxpayers. What, one might ask, is the point of paying taxes to support the police force when one has to employ private security firms to keep one’s house safe?

And just to be naughty, if there was enough trust between the public and the government, the government would not have to spend millions of public funds for public relations exercises. That money can better be spent elsewhere. Yet, in times of great skepticism, what would be wasteful during normal times could become a necessity to keep the government running.

It is good to keep a healthy dose of skepticism against the government and the state in general. Yet, there is some optimum level of skepticism before destructive cynicism sets in.

Quite unfortunately, the current government of Malaysia — the Abdullah and the Najib administrations alike — is too good at inculcating public cynicism against itself. Given how the government tries hard to erode the independence of public institutions, the government is undermining public confidence in public institutions.

Bersih is a modest effort at trying to ultimately restore credibility to public institutions. In its little way, it is an effort to tackle the wider trust deficit.

The Najib administration, however, disagrees and demonizes Bersih instead. Maybe that is not at all surprising. The flawed institutions of status quo benefit the incumbent. The administration and its fiercest supporters are happy with the status quo. In jargon-speak, they have captured the public institutions.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in The Malaysian Insider on July 16 2011.