Categories
Economics Liberty

[2099] Of Ostrom’s Prize in Economics, commons, coercion and libertarianism

Libertarians celebrate two winners of the Prize in Economics of whom one of them is Elinor Ostrom. That is because her works show that commons can be managed efficiently by groups of users rather than the State. I am unsure, however, if libertarians, especially the free market purists quite absorb the full implication after accounting for footnote associated with Ostrom’s works.

Her findings do very little to expunge coercion from solutions relating to large tragedy of the commons. This fact, through my observation, is what many libertarians have missed.

On purists, I know, I know, I have been accused as a purist myself but if I am a purist, then you are in for a big surprise at how other people can be purer in this thinking that me. These purer purists, if I may say so, are more anarchist than libertarian, with their hostility against the State bordering madness. I may sympathize with these anarchists however but I am convinced that the state of anarchy is unstable and in fact, detrimental to individual liberties. I am becoming more convinced of that position as I finally begin to read Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State and Utopia, further settling in the minarchist pool of libertarians.

Many, I have seen, tend to celebrate one conclusion of Ostrom’s work but tend to ignore the other consequence that comes from the footnote to the celebrated conclusion. Most unfortunate, that footnote does not eliminate the case for intervention. Such intervention or really, coercion, may not originate from the State but by groups of individuals nonetheless.

A group of individuals should really be no different from the State if there is coercion. Coercion is really the key here and it is not whether it is the State or not. This is what most libertarians, when discussing this, have overlooked. To miss it is to miss the entire point of libertarianism.

When it comes to commons, I have long accepted the need for government, or any kind of intervention for that matter, for fear of tragedy of the commons occurring. I first accepted it when I first learned of it as an undergraduate in economics. Concern for tragedy of the commons, is perhaps, the only remnant of environmentalist thinking that remains with me.

That is the reason why, if I want to differentiate myself from other libertarians, I identify myself as a green libertarian. The green symbolizes my concern for market failures, which is what tragedy of the commons really is.

Market failures here are not as left-wingers tend to define it, which is more of rhetoric wrongfully attacking free market principles through mischaracterization and misleading definition but rather it refers to the economic definition, which is when there is a large difference between public and private costs, or more concisely, when there is externality. Examples include emissions of carbon or harvest of the ocean. It is for this reason too that I am largely supportive of Pigovian taxes: I definitely would like, for instance, to see fuel subsidy in Malaysia be replaced with carbon tax.

While I am admonishing libertarians here, I too made a mistake of celebrating Ostrom’s work prematurely, thinking that it solved my problem. I am well aware how hard it is to reconcile my concern for market failure with free market libertarianism that I hold. So, I was happy to see Ostrom seemingly offering a solution to me by stating users of commons do spontaneously organize themselves to prevent tragedy of the commons. Alas, upon further reading, I realized that I initially failed to comprehend the full conclusions by overlooking the footnote. And I do think libertarians who are celebrating Ostrom are misreading her conclusions by not reading the footnote too.

Traditional solutions to tragedy of the commons do not fall within the compound of pure free market libertarianism that completely intolerant of government intervention save for the classical liberal purpose of the state and that is the protection of individual negative rights. Such solutions typically involve the allocation or assignment of rights to users of resources of commons. In other words, to price such rights to internalize externality and then auction to it to achieve allocation efficiency.

In commons with multiple claims on it, some entity — government or some local body — has to be the final arbitrator for allocation of rights purpose and that will require coercion. These rights may be in form of permits that expire regularly or outright privatization (privatization is attractive but it does present complications; for instance, how do you privatize the atmosphere with respect to climate change? Clearly, enforcement of such rights is impossible, at least with current technology). Ostrom simply discovers that local groups may be better managers of the commons than government. She does not specifically say that it is will be done voluntary.

Yes, these local bodies can be voluntarily formed by users of commons. Self-organization out of spontaneous order which of voluntary in nature can be achieved but as stated in a write-up by the Economic Sciences Prize Committee of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences[1] and Ostrom’s article in Science Magazine[2], size of users and engagement time length matter, among others, affect the success of having such spontaneous order. There are multiple other factors but I am in the opinion that these two are the most important. The bigger the size, the harder it is to agree on voluntarily act to prevent exhausting the commons and make everybody worse off. The shorter the period of engagement, the harder it is to reach to an agreement.

The issue on number of users is really a matter of cost. As in the case of climate change, which is really the biggest common of all, bringing 6 billion individuals together is clearly unfeasible. Consider also the fact that even with hundreds of representatives sitting together in one hall, an agreement is hard to achieve. The planned climate summit in Copenhagen organized to find a replacement for the failing and expiring Kyoto Protocol is widely expected to fail.

On top of this, monitoring activities are costly. Monitoring is important because there is a strong incentive to — out my lack of creativity in selecting a word — cheat in the case of tragedy of the commons. Monitoring and enforcement are important in discouraging cheating.

On time length, it is a matter of repeated game. To make it more explicit, it is a repeated prisoner’s dilemma where cooperation is clearly a better option for both to failure to cooperate but there exists strong incentive to not to cooperate. Repetition of that game with the ability to communicate could bring about cooperation but again, that is highly dependent on the size of participants. Ultimately, achieving cooperation may take too long a time before the system collapses.

Further strengthening the argument, status quo effect is strong. Look at the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Such conflict can be modeled as hawk and dove model, which is essentially another form of prisoner’s dilemma. They could cooperate and skip the deadly conflict, but they do not. In a game like this, it is crucial for trust to be built at the very beginning.

Trust simply takes a long time to rebuild once broken, if it is to be rebuilt at all, if the first step proved to be disastrous. This, known as tit-for-tat game, is one of the basic important lessons of game theory, in my humble opinion.

Given that, solving the problems of the commons through voluntary means, are likely hard if not impossible. Thus, intervention is still required to introduce market instruments like quotas, permits or taxation. Intervention may originate from the government, or some local groups but it is an intervention nonetheless, with not too implicit coercion demanding certain positive action, positive as defined by Isaiah Berlin when he differentiated between positive and negative rights.

If Ostrom is to be celebrated, then it is decentralization from government to local groups. That however should be mistaken as solving the problem of tragedy of the commons by voluntary means. Someone or something has to assign rights to users to commons. That means, the element of coercion, unfortunately, is still present.

That certainly does not solve my problem of reconciling concern for tragedy of the commons and free market libertarianism.

To summarize: it is a common and somebody or someone has to take control and assign rights to solve the problem of externality, i.e. tragedy of the commons. It does not have to be the government and local groups may be better manager but something or someone has to act as the assigner. And the footnote to Ostrom’s works indicate that it is hard to do so voluntary, save for, I think, localized commons. In the end, the element of coercion exists.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — See Scientific Background on the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel 2009: Economic Governance. Economic Sciences Prize Committee of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. October 2009

[2] — See A General Framework for Analyzing Sustainability of Social-Ecological Systems. Elinor Ostrom. Science Magazine. July 24 2009.

Categories
Liberty

[2095] Of in praise of trivial choices

It is easy to dismiss the triviality, for instance, of choosing a pair of high heels out of hundreds as excesses of modern life defined by free market. How does one sympathize with a dilemma of a purchaser who faces a petty option between consuming Coke and Pepsi?

Such inconsequential puzzles seem so shallow for it to be objects of attention at times when there are larger and more pressing issues that the society, or even the world, faces. So shallow and so trivial it seems that to defend it seems only so wrong. Yet, these trivialities continue to receive attention of great many people.

These have been derided as one of the excesses of a free world. There are simply too many choices that those choices divert precious attention from important issues.

Beware, however, of those calling upon such condemnation because it betrays an authoritarian tendency. If the condemnation sees execution, it opens an illiberal path for at the heart of the condemnation is a desire to apply strings to individuals. At its heart, there is distaste for liberty.

Choices, however trivial they might be, are crucial in the maintenance and enhancement of liberty in society. One perhaps may criticize this as overstretching an argument beyond its allowable elasticity. The band would snap before one could secure the point, as one may argue.

Yet, every little thing in life affects the psyche of individuals in society. Through this, the band can go farther than one would think.

In a society of illiberal culture, a majority of individuals born into it and raised by it would suffer from status quo bias, especially so for an isolationist society. Without effort or accident, they will acclimatize to unfree culture, unaware of the shackles that bind them down. They will be unaware of or suffer great difficulties in imagining choices that could exist, because it does not exist. For them, the limited choices they observe are the full imaginable choices.

In a society of liberal culture with full free choices restrained only by physical reality, just as a majority of individuals born into illiberal society, individuals will suffer from status quo bias. Unlike the illiberal society, the bias in a free society is a side with liberty as individuals have access or at least have knowledge of full choices available in their world.

It is here where choices are crucial in the creation and the maintenance of a free society, founded on non-aggression with respect to individual liberty.

Individuals familiar with full — mundane or exceptional, trivial or life-changing — choices due to status quo bias unconsciously impressed upon them by a free society will notice any disappearance of choices from their menu. From the awareness comes questions and from the questions, demands for the return of the disappeared options, if evolution within a free market is not the cause of that disappearance. If the free market is the cause of extinction of a particular option, then it must be that the individuals are willingly causing the extinction. That is a nature of the free market.

If the extinction comes from a diktat of unfree origin, the demands for the return of that particular choice will gather momentum, like an echo to an avalanche. It is so because acclimatization to full choices in itself creates sensitivity to elimination of choices. Free individuals will rise up to banish the diktat into a gutter, where all of things that resent liberty for whatever reason belong and restore the choices into the menu.

Familiarization to these little choices builds up awareness of larger choices. These larger choices are grand choices so well linked and easier related to the idea of freedom: freedom of conscience; freedom of expression; freedom of speech.

Willingness to defend these little choices translates into the willingness to defend these grand choices for executions of these little choices really are expressions of individuals’ personality. Without these freedoms, such little choices cannot exist. Yet, grand choices are so far removed from immediate life that it is hard for individuals on the streets to relate to it. Instead, freedom sees daily exercises through these little choices.

Each exercise of these little choices is another step towards grand choices. These little choices train individuals in making choices and there on, taking responsibility for their own life. The act of assuming that responsibility removes the need for a third party and reduces the possibility of tyranny by claiming their freedom. This collectively creates an environment conducive for the creation and maintenance of a free society. It follows that little trivial shallow choices deserve defense from ridicule.

Ignore those that condemn small little choices as excesses. Chances are, if in their heart is disgust for these small things, then they cannot stomach the exercise of grand choices. They condemn these little choices as excesses because their respect for individual liberty is limited. As soon as they have won the battle, the march from liberalism to tyranny begins.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on October 5 2009.

Categories
ASEAN Liberty

[2056] Of not much of an incentive

Trivia: How does Southeast Asia treat its first and only winner of the Nobel Prize?

Answer: The home country throws her into prison (okay, it was commuted to home arrest…) and others in the region do nothing.

BANGKOK — Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese pro-democracy leader, was sentenced Tuesday to three years of hard labor for violating the terms of her house arrest, but her sentence was quickly commuted to a new term of house arrest of up to 18 months. [Pro-Democracy Leader in Myanmar Is Convicted. Seth Mydans. New York Times. August 11 2009]

Not much of an incentive to win a Nobel Prize, eh?

Categories
Liberty

[2054] Of a follow-up to The era of paternalism is not over

I wrote The era of paternalism is not over for my column at The Malaysian Insider (also here) to provide contrary case to Prime Minister Najib Razak’s statement that the days of government knows best is over.

Today in The Star, his cousin, Minister Hishammuddin Hussein strengthens may message by leap and bound:

Hishammuddin said that in a weakened global economy the people were prepared to be led by an authoritative government that is able to provide the best for them. [Hisham: Rally a failure, shows street politics not favoured. The Star. August 5 2009]

He was saying that in respond to the peaceful anti-Internal Security Act march that was met with force by the authority.

Categories
Liberty

[2052] Of the era of paternalism is not over

The era of government knows best is over, or so said Prime Minister Najib Razak in the early part of his young administration. As a person who distrusts the government greatly, I consider that there was never a time when the government knows best. Instead, there was only a long period of paternalism where the government tramples over individuals, especially the ones conscious of liberty.

Notwithstanding the issue of trust, when the head of the government says something so liberal, it provides a glimmer of hope that finally there is a window for a liberal democratic era, however minute the opening might be. What happened in Kuala Lumpur on Saturday, as the authority responded to the anti-Internal Security Act march, quickly proves that it is a false window opening to a sordid wall painted blue. In the end, we are still in a small stuffy room imprisoning us all, with blue sky nowhere in sight.

The Barisan Nasional federal government possibly sees the worst in all individuals when it comes to the exercise of freedom of assembly. It takes an almost Hobbesian view in a sense that any assembly in an open public space will degenerate into a rampage. Without control, chaos will reign, as Thomas Hobbes more or less stated in the Leviathan.

It is most unfortunate for history to side with those in Malaysia holding an overly pessimistic view of human nature. The racial riot of May 13, 1969, which has become a boogeyman of sorts that those in power have used time and again to cow individuals from discussing so-called sensitive racial issues so openly, began after groups paraded through parts of Kuala Lumpur. In 1964 in Singapore, at a time when the island city was an integral part of the Malaysian federation, a racial riot that has largely been forgotten by most — even by some in the older generations who accuse the younger generation of being ignorant about the history of the country — was also sparked by parading groups.

If indeed that is the cause of its hostile view towards the exercise of freedom of assembly, then the Barisan Nasional government needs to mature in democratic and liberal terms in order to keep up with Malaysia’s maturing civil society.

The way these protests are carried out and handled — by protesters, by those who disagree with the protesters as well as the authorities — is crucial in the training and inculcation of the culture of liberty by civil society. As long as the authorities continue to assume the worst in individuals, the training will not go far. A government that is still hung up on past fears will become a substantial barrier to the development of civil society.

Peaceful protests happen frequently in developed parts of world for various causes. What any mature government would do with respect to freedom of assembly is to have police officers and other authorities stationed at multiple locations to ensure that these assemblies, either supportive of the government or otherwise, remain largely peaceful. Anyone who causes damage to public property or hurts another person can simply be arrested. There is no problem with that. Furthermore, those interested to keep the assemblies peaceful will agree with that too.

How many times have the authorities failed to suppress peaceful marches only to have the marches end up being peaceful in Malaysia in recent times?

The Bersih march on Nov 10, 2007 ended up peacefully. There was no damage to public property, almost nobody was harmed — and if they were harmed, it was because the police fired tear gas and water cannons before relenting for some reason — and the organisers even picked up trash left behind!

The same goes with the march by lawyers as well as other sympathisers that occurred in September 2007.
This is definitely a sign of a maturing civil society. These groups are conscious of their liberty as well as the associated responsibility that comes with it.

To suppress large peaceful assemblies, like what happened on Saturday and on various occasions in the past, is to turn everything unnecessarily ugly. Actions taken by the authority on Saturday, either in the form of roadblocks or actual coercion, unnecessarily exacerbate the whole episode.

Kuala Lumpur would have not turned into a war zone if the authorities did not suppress the march. Shops would not have to close temporarily if the authorities simply respected the individual’s freedom to assembly. Commuters would not have to suffer hours in traffic if the authorities had taken a liberal stance. Malaysia would not have been painted in such a bad light by the international media.

Perhaps, the government is worried what happened in Bangkok would repeat itself in Kuala Lumpur. Before that track of thought is taken up, it is imperative to realise that the motive in Kuala Lumpur is very different from the one in Bangkok. The one in Bangkok was explicit in its intention to lay prolonged siege on important public institutions. That was never the goal in Kuala Lumpur. Those participating in the anti-Internal Security Act march in Kuala Lumpur are far too respectful of democratic ideals to supplant the legitimacy of the ballot box.

Yet, judging by the inconsistency shown by the Barisan Nasional government, it is not truly a Hobbesian view that it takes. Even if one disagrees with the idea that by nature humans are chaotic beings, the sincerity of a Hobbesian view cannot be denied if he or she takes a consistent stance on the matter. For the Barisan Nasional government, it is only almost a Hobbesian position because there is no sincerity. It is only almost Hobbesian because only assemblies expressing dissatisfaction against the Barisan Nasional government have its participants risking becoming victims of the state security apparatus, or really, given the absence of a necessary separation between the state and a political party that is required to avoid abuse of power, victims of Barisan Nasional’s apparatchiks rather than the state security apparatus.

When some students of Universiti Teknologi Mara took to the streets to protest against Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim’s suggestion that the institution should slightly liberalise its intake to include some non-Malays to encourage competition in that tertiary education institution, these apparatchiks stood silent, and perhaps, even approvingly. Meanwhile, peaceful candlelight vigils held in protest against police actions irreverent to the idea of liberty in the past have been forcefully dispersed.

In stark contrast to actions taken on Saturday by the police, juveniles were arrested and handcuffed to be treated like common thieves, while actual common thieves ran loose on the streets. The hypocrisy displayed cannot be any clearer.

A proper Hobbesian government will act consistently towards all assemblies and the Barisan Nasional government is no Hobbesian government. Its tolerance to peaceful assemblies depends on who participates and what those assemblies are about, not how peaceful they are. The fact that these assemblies are peaceful are of no consequence to actions taken by these apparatchiks to suppress individual liberty, be it the firing of a water cannon or a stormtrooper shooting teargas to politically conscious but otherwise unarmed and unaggressive individuals.

The inconsistency demonstrated by the Barisan Nasional government is worse than a Hobbesian government. It is a kind of paternalism, which leads to tyranny. They will argue that it is for the best for the country but really, it is only the best action for them to remain in power.

The ideals that Barisan Nasional holds mostly are corporatist, one based on ethnicity. The idea of individual liberty, if it is allowed and encouraged to take its rational course, will dismantle any corporatist set-up. For Barisan Nasional to remain in power while holding to its corporatist ideal, it is in its interest to curb liberty, as it did on Saturday.

Therefore, the era of paternalism is not over. It will be over only when Barisan Nasional evolves or is replaced by a more liberal democratic government. This kind of evolution however is not in its menu.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on August 3 2009.