Categories
Economics

[2388] Nudge, nudge, wink, wink

It is the practice of some labor unions to produce one or several publications annually to inform their members of various activities and developments related to the unions.

As with many things in this world, it costs money to produce these publications. These unions finance the publications through a number of ways. Membership fee is one example. Another is selling advertising space to non-members, especially to the business community. This, however, can be an ethically grey area.

This kind of funding can be ethically iffy if the union members comprise employees of public regulators or law enforcement agencies, like the police, the Fire Department or Customs. This particular interaction between the unionized employees and the business community through the sale of advertising space creates perverse incentive.

It is a potential channel for corruption. It has the ability to affect adversely the traditional relationship between the public and the government.

Everybody deals with some of these regulators and enforcers in one way or another. The police maintain public order. The Fire Department apart from firefighting ensures public adherence to certain codes. City Hall and other local councils enforce even more codes. Many other regulators and enforcers exist out there to match the hundreds or thousands of laws that govern too many things.

Services provided by the enforcers and the regulators are funded by public money. To put it simply, the public pays for the services and these government arms render the services to the public. This is the traditional relationship. It is simple and clean.

This traditional relationship between the two must not be influenced by any other factor, lest the regulators and the enforcers filter their customers for their own benefit.

The sale of advertising space by unions especially to business establishments twists the traditional relationship by creating another channel for the public to interact with the regulators and the enforcers. That new channel runs through the unions to form a special relationship between the space purchasers and sellers, who are part of the government or its agencies.

There are at least three ways this is detrimental to the traditional relationship.

One, the sale and purchase of advertising space can be done by the business community to return a favor previously done or will be done by certain unionized employees. This is downright corruption.

Two, the sellers, who are employees of the government bodies and agencies, will feel indebted to the purchasers. It is a profitable relationship and one always keeps profitable relationship intact.

By doing so, the purchasers will have special relationship with the seller and, implicitly, to the regulators and enforcers. Those particular employees or any member of the union may systematically handle future requests or transgressions by the sellers leniently. This runs contrary to the ideal that prescribes everybody as equal before the law.

Three, even without such favors or the feeling of indebtedness, a mere request by the unions may create consternation among the solicited. A forward-looking person, and especially businesses, upon receiving the advertising request would ask, how would this affect us? For those who conclude that a negative reply would affect the likelihood of approval to future transactions, they might feel compelled to purchase the space from the unions. This can happen even if there is no intention by the union to abuse its influence. In other words, it creates a perception of corruption even though there is no actual corruption.

The way the incentives have been perversely structured inadvertently or otherwise may make it necessary for the relevant authority to look into this particular activity of these particular unions.

Despite all that, this is not to say that there is actual corruption in the system. This may sound like a cop-out but the whole structure is an opportunity for corruption nevertheless.

Individuals are not inherently good or bad, clean or corrupt. Many times, it is the institutions that provide the incentives for corrupt practice to flourish.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on June 27 2011.

 

Categories
Economics

[2385] A case of MPs subverting the independence of the Bank Negara?

The importance of central bank independence has a lot to do with inflationary concerns. By independence, it typically means independence from political pressure. That entails strict separation between the central bank and the government. The central bank is not answerable to the government in general and the government does not represent the central bank. These two different entities are of two different minds. If they ever agree with each other, then it is necessarily a coincidence, or a conclusion achieved independently of each other. In its strong form, it is not achieved through any kind of discussion between the two parties.

It is feared that without independence and with exposure to political pressure, the central bank would embark on a populist policy, just as a democratic government that is susceptible to popular sentiment would. In times of crisis and without independence, the bank could run a loose monetary policy to appease the masses, eventually causing unacceptably high inflation simply by the operation of expectations.

The relationship between inflation and the independence of the central bank is widely known and is largely accepted within the field of economics: independence is correlated is an environment of low inflation. There are ample evidence for this.[1]

This is probably not subscribed by some Members of Parliament in Malaysia. Or they are unaware of it. Or that they define it very differently from what it is unusually understood. Whatever it is, three MPs are heading in the direction of subverting the idea.

According to The Malaysian Insider, MP for Kuala Selangor, Dzulkefly Ahmad of PAS wanted the Prime Minister to justify the recent rate hike by the Bank Negara. MP for Lembah Pantai Nurul Izzah said in the same report, despite stating she “was not asking the government to intervene”, she effectively blamed the government for the rate hike.[2] In the Parliament today, MP for Rembau Khairy Jamaluddin asked the Finance Minister to explain whether the Bank Negara would change the base interest rate and the reserve requirement between now till the end of the year.[3]

Truly, the concern for the rate especially is not for the Prime Minister, the Finance Minister or any person of their choosing to explain. These questions should be directed to the Bank Negara itself.

If these elected officials do try to explain it, then it will create a perception that the government and the Bank Negara are in cahoot in managing monetary policy. A mere hint of relationship as far as monetary policy is concerned is damaging to the idea of independence. The relationship suggests that the central bank in some ways is responsive to popular demand; popular demand is a code word for loose monetary policy.

What will make it worse is the possibility of the government flip-flopping, which is not rare at all in Malaysia. For a central bank that is not independent, any u-turn is especially damaging to the the credibility of the bank. Without credibility, the bank can say goodbye to its ability to manage inflation expectations.

Because of the possible implications, the Prime Minister and his Cabinet members should be careful in answering any of such questions.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — The degree of central bank independence varies considerably across countries. Several authors including Bade and Parkin (1982), Alesina (1988, 1989), and Grilli, Masciandaro, and Tabellini (1991) found that more independent central banks are associated with lower levels of inflation. This note investigates whether one can find a correlation between central bank independence and the level and variability of real economic variables such as growth, unemployment, and real interest rates. Our conclusion is that while central bank independence promotes price stability, it has no measureable impact on real economic performance. [Alberto Alesina. Lawrence H. Summers. Central Bank Independence and Macroeconomics Performance: Some Comparative Evidence. Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking. May 1993]

[2] — PAS MP for Kuala Selangor Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad said that the prime minister, who also holds the finance portfolio in cabinet, should explain the move, which surprised economists who were expecting Bank Negara to maintain the benchmark lending rate to preserve the country’s growth momentum in the face of dimming global economic prospects.

PKR MP Nurul Izzah Anwar also stressed that they are not asking the government to intervene in Bank Negara’s policies but said that it was important for the finance minister to clarify what she claimed were ”very inconsistent justifications.”

Nurul said that while the government could be trying to cool down the investment climate with an eye on keeping a lid on inflation, she was unconvinced that an interest rate hike could also drive the growth of the local domestic economy at the same time. [Melissa Chi. Justify May interest rate hike, PR MPs tell Najib. Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking. June 21 2001]

[3] — Tuan Khairy Jamaluddin [ Rembau ] minta MENTERI KEWANGAN menyatakan apakah Bank Negara Malaysia berhasrat untuk menyemak atau meminda Kadar Dasar Semalaman (Overnight Policy Rate) dan Keperluan Rizab Berkanun (Statutory Reserve Requirement) bagi bank-bank tempatan sehingga akhir tahun ini. Sila jelaskan sebab-sebabnya sekiranya ya mahupun tidak. [Order Paper. Dewan Rakyat. June 21 2001]

Categories
Economics

[2384] Innovation is not for African countries

The following illustrates the GDP per capita of countries attending the Langkawi International Dialogue. Seychelles has been left out because it is an outlier and it is messing up the graph.

The next graph shows the human development index of the same countries with the exception of Tanzania (the omission is purely a matter of aesthetic). Seychelles has been left out because there is no data for the small island state. Out of this set of countries, Malaysia is the only country classified within the “high human development” group.

What is the point of these two graphs?

One will quickly see the difference between Malaysian and these countries. What I am driving at is that Malaysia and these countries are essentially at two different stages of economic development. To put it bluntly, these African countries are behind the curve (with the possible exception of Botswana).

With that, the optimal economic policy at encouraging economic growth for the two groups are likely to be different. If there are overlaps, the overlaps are likely to be limited.

I am posting this because several Malaysian media have reported the Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak stating in his speech at the Langkawi International Dialogue that innovation is the key to growth.[1][1a] The audience? Leaders and delegates of the listed African countries.[2]

It was not that best of all messages. Why?

Innovation-based economy is just not for the African countries attending the Langkawi pow-wow.

The actual act of innovation is really more relevant to countries sitting close to the technology frontier. While Malaysia is not at the frontier like how the United States and other advanced countries are, Malaysia is definitely closer to it than the Africans. That means innovation does have a role to play in the economic growth of Malaysia, and increasingly so given where Malaysia is on its developmental curve.

To paraphrase the idea, the farther a country is from the frontier hence the less developed a country is, the less relevant innovation should be to its economic policy.

What is more relevant for least developed countries is learning by imitation.

This does not mean any innovation is unwelcome in these African states. Innovation is certainly good but to engage actively it as part of government policy is likely to be an expensive exercise when compared to the imitation path. This is an important point because many of these African countries are not exactly rich. One has to be close to the technology frontier to innovate in a big way so that innovation becomes the engine of growth. For the African countries, they have a lot of ground to cover.

Really, there are other basic issues requiring attention first, like water and electricity coverage. It is not absurd to pour billions into innovation-based activities while basic infrastructure is missing?

The countries have to prioritize their resources and imitation is the more cost-effective developmental path compared to innovation policy set.

The imitation path may not be sexy but it has proven to work. Look no farther than the four Asian Tigers, namely Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. In fact, look at the experience of Malaysia for the most part of the 1980s and the 1990s. There were some innovations, but it was mostly about copying foreign technology and diffusing the relevant technology to the masses. Economist Paul Krugman famously wrote it was all about perspiration, not inspiration.[3]

Even more relevant for these African countries are something more basic than innovation. It is simply capital accumulation and good institutions. In the orthodox growth model, it is assumed that savings are automatically translated into investment in productive activities that increase production and wealth. This is an overly optimistic view of human behavior. There are friction between savings and investment and that could be corruption. Looking at the records of a majority of these African countries, corruption is a big issue. In the case of Zimbabwe, it is simply gross mismanagement of the economy.

If I were the keynote speaker instead of the PM, I would have asked these African countries to learn the Malaysian lesson of the 1980s and the 1990s, the one which was about capital accumulation and good institutions instead of innovation.

To be fair, the PM did mention about the application of technology (I would like to criticize the “appropriate technology” approach but I will reserve for another day) and good institutions. But that does not make the innovation suggestion any less wrong.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — PUTRAJAYA, June 19 (Bernama) — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has called on African and Caribbean nations to embrace innovation as a key priority to achieve a competitive edge globally and take their economies to new heights. [Mikhail Raj Abdullah. Embrace Innovation to Score High in Global Business Rankings – Najib. Bernama. June 19 2011]

[1a] — 16. A term often associated with advanced economies these days is innovation. Countries that make innovation a priority have achieved a competitive edge over others, with countries like Korea and Taiwan who have invested heavily in this field succeeding in taking their economies to new heights.

17. There is no doubt that countries with knowledge and innovation-based economies score high in international business rankings. For example, Scandinavian countries with small populations still have among the highest per capita incomes in the world. Innovation, specialisation and internationalisation of their large-scale research facilities have helped them overcome the small size of their domestic economies. [Najib Razak. LID 2011 Keynote Address. June 19 2011]

[2] — See LIST OF COUNTRIES ATTENDING LID 2011. Bernama via Yahoo! News Malaysia. June 17 2011

[3] — Consider, in particular, the case of Singapore. Between 1966 and 1990, the Singaporean economy grew a remarkable 8.5 percent per annum, three times as fast as the United States; per capita income grew at a 6.6 percent rate, roughly doubling every decade. This achievement seems to be a kind of economic miracle. But the miracle turns out to have been based on perspiration rather than inspiration: Singapore grew through a mobilization of resources that would have done Stalin proud. The employed share of the population surged from 27 to 51 percent. The educational standards of that work force were dramatically upgraded: while in 1966 more than half the workers had no formal education at all, by 1990 two-thirds had completed secondary education. Above all, the country had made an awesome investment in physical capital: investment as a share of output rose from 11 to more than 40 percent.

Even without going through the formal exercise of growth accounting, these numbers should make it obvious that Singapore’s growth has been based largely on one-time changes in behavior that cannot be repeated. Over the past generation the percentage of people employed has almost doubled; it cannot double again. A half-educated work force has been replaced by one in which the bulk of workers has high school diplomas; it is unlikely that a generation from now most Singaporeans will have Ph.D’s. And an investment share of 40 percent is amazingly high by any standard; a share of 7O percent would be ridiculous. So one can immediately conclude that Singapore is unlikely to achieve future growth rates comparable to those of the past.

But it is only when one actually does the quantitative accounting that the astonishing result emerges: all of Singapore’s growth can be explained by increases in measured inputs. There is no sign at all of increased efficiency. In this sense, the growth of Lee Kuan Yew’s Singapore is an economic twin of the growth of Stalin’s Soviet Union growth achieved purely through mobilization of resources. Of course, Singapore today is far more prosperous than the U.S.S.R. ever was–even at its peak in the Brezhnev years–because Singapore is closer to, though still below, the efficiency of Western economies. The point, however, is that Singapore’s economy has always been relatively efficient; it just used to be starved of capital and educated workers. [Paul Krugman. The Myth of Asia’s Miracle. Foreign Affairs. November 1994]

Categories
Economics WDYT

[2383] Do you support the merger?

Do you support the possible RHB-CIMB/Maybank merger?

  • Yes (15%, 6 Votes)
  • No (73%, 30 Votes)
  • Undecided (12%, 5 Votes)

Total Voters: 41

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Background: Rivals CIMB and Maybank are racing against each other to merge (takeover?) with RHB. It is a high-stake game. The winner will have a significantly increased regional profile.

At the same time, a current shareholder of RHB, Abu Dhabi Commercial Bank (ADCB) is selling its stake to its sister’s company Aabar Investments. Both the ADCB and Aabar Investments are owned by the government of Abu Dhabi.

Something fishy is going on with that sale, especially when such transaction is being done knowing that CIMB and Maybank are in competition to merge with RHB. Maybe the government Abu Dhabi is artificially pushing the value of RHB up. It is bad sport but they cannot really be blamed for that.

Reacting to that, the Bank Negara has told RHB that the transaction price between ADCB and Aabar should not affect the prices to be offered by CIMB and Maybank. A truly “what the hell” moment from the Bank Negara. If the transaction between ADCB and Aabar is fishy, the Bank Negara’s involvement is a complete dung.

Initially, I was neutral with the merger, despite knowing that a successful transaction between RHB and CIMB or Maybank would create a giant government-linked company.

With the Bank Negara’s latest position, I am moving towards the opposition camp. I am waiting for somebody to have the balls to flick to the bird to CIMB, Maybank, Khazanah Nasional, Permodalan Nasional Berhad, the Bank Negara and the government of Malaysia.

Oh, you should really try to form your own opinion before voting.  Sorry for about trying to affect your opinion. Naughty me (but hey, this is a libertarian blog. The default opinion is likely to be obvious).

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2375] Reducing the political cost of liberalization

A price-control mechanism has its economic cost, on top of that associated with the current subsidy regime in place in Malaysia. There are also some political costs to the control. In tight times when commodities are becoming dearer, any government that dares to reset retail prices upwards invites public wrath.

There was talk of an early general election, but the rumor machines now suggest that the election will be held only later. The Barisan Nasional-led federal government needs room to maneuver before renewing its mandate.

The prime minister is under pressure to seek a mandate of his own. One has to remember that Najib Razak is running on the 2008 mandate secured by the highly unpopular Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Not only that, the prime minister also needs Barisan Nasional to do better than it did in the last general election. He must get the two-thirds majority in Parliament to prove that his government is better than the one led by his predecessor.

That is one of the ways the political cost matters. The political cost can affect cold but rational economic calculations. This is especially relevant for those whose conviction is measured by their appetite for adventure, or lack of adventure rather. That makes it important to reduce the political cost of liberalization lest the liberalization agenda, however disappointingly incomplete it is in its current form, be left high and dry.

The local political cost that exists is unfortunate because global economic reality largely ignores local political reality. In many cases, the increase in retail prices is inevitable amid rising world prices of various commodities.

The factors fuelling the hike are real: growing population, growing affluence and therefore growing demand. That is the current long-term trend. Mere business cycles neither erase nor change long-term trends by much.

There are some institutional issues affecting local retail prices as well. Without hurting the trustworthiness of the government, these problems have to be solved.

Liberalize the market instead of granting monopoly power to specific firms. Make the market open instead of having deals made in the shadows. Stop signing contracts that are grossly lopsided at the expense of public money. All that can lessen the degree of the hikes in the long run.

Yet, local issues just like short-term fluctuations are unlikely to drown out long-term trends. Until new technology, new culture and new alternatives prevail over old ones — or if total world population drops — prices will generally go up to clear the markets.

Because of the dissonance between local political and global economic realities, the political cost should be reduced so that both run parallel to each other. The political cost is a disincentive to good economic policy.

Democracy coupled with entitlement culture is a recipe for irresponsible populism. This is especially true for the fuel subsidy regime where the subsidy fixes the price ceiling and in effect subsidizes everything between retail prices and world prices. Under this arrangement, the government risks hypothetically unlimited expenditure. The higher the world prices, the larger the subsidy bill.

So, how does one reduce the political cost?

The government can stop being the fall guy. To do so, the government needs to stop managing prices. Relax the control. Let prices float. Let the market take charge instead. Let those closest to the ground — the actual buyers and sellers — determine the prices.

Using the fuel subsidy as an example, the relaxation can exist together with fixed per unit subsidy regime rather than the current unfixed per unit subsidy. In this way, the subsidy burden shouldered by the government will remain constant given a consumption level. Any increase or decrease in retail prices will be due to market forces only.

This particular arrangement will reduce the political cost faced by a liberalizing government by making the link between prices and primary market participants clearer. Prices will no longer be linked to the government. With the government out of the way, then perhaps the government will receive less flak.

The question of subsidy reduction itself will not even surface because increase in world prices will not increase the subsidy bill given the level of consumption. Indeed, a typical model will suggest that an increase in world prices might actually decrease the total subsidy bill due to decreased consumption.

In the end with less flak, perhaps the liberalization agenda can go farther down the road without unnecessary undue erosion of political capital.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on June 2 2011.