Categories
Economics WDYT

[2687] Guess the 1Q2013 GDP growth!

So, trade surplus in the first quarter of 2013 very much contracted. Net exports in current prices were down by 44%. Although imports fared considerably better than exports in the quarter (hence the big drop in trade surplus), imports of consumption goods were weak, which may suggest that consumption itself slowed. Another bad news is that industrial production also did not grow. I do not think it was mostly due to the fact that 2012 was a leap year since March y-o-y figures were weak.

I am unsure about the investment figures but those investment figures are already high, thus making faster growth unrealistic.

On the plus side, government expenditure was likely up due to electioneering. But that part of the economy is the smallest among all of the components.

Whatever it is, that quarter growth will be significantly slower than the surprising 6.4% y-o-y achieved in 4Q2012. Consensus has it at 5.4% y-o-y according to Bloomberg. I have a feeling it will be lower.

How fast do you think did the Malaysian economy grow in 1Q2013?

  • Above 6.0% (6%, 1 Votes)
  • 5.5% - 6.0% (6%, 1 Votes)
  • 5.0% - 5.4% (17%, 3 Votes)
  • 4.5% - 4.9% (33%, 6 Votes)
  • Below 4.5% (39%, 7 Votes)

Total Voters: 18

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The official GDP estimates will be released by the Department of Statistics on Wednesday’s evening.

Categories
Economics

[2685] Austrian alert!

Managing imbalances and rising indebtedness under a low interest rate environment

Very low interest rates have now prevailed for a number of years and appear to be likely to continue for the foreseeable future. Given the duration of the easing period, a key question is whether monetary policy can still be considered as being counter-cyclical or has there been a stuctural change in the monetary environment. It also gives rise to the potential unintended consequences of the prolonged low interest rate environment in terms of the mis-pricing of risks, overleveraging and rising household indebtedness, disintermediation of savings away from the banking system, excessive speculation, and the formation of asset price bubbles. Such developments could create financial and macroeconomic vulnerabilities that could harm the long term growth potential of the economy.

Papers on this topic could touch on potential policy issues arising from the prolonged period of low interest rates, and explore possible measures to address financial imbalances. Studies on the effectiveness of alternative monetary tools and instruments in managing risks of imbalances are also welcomed. [Bank Negara Malaysia’s Conference on “Monetary Policy in the New Normal”. Bank Negara Malaysia. Accessed May 8 2013]

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2682] Comparing manifesto-related fiscal deficit, sort of

I am curious at some of the projected fiscal deficit figures which have come out from the internet. A number of them are fanciful.

One that I have read has the deficit under Pakatan Rakyat manifesto rising to close to 12% of nominal GDP while BN would be as low as 4%. The 4% figure is really the number that is stated in the 2012/2013 Economic Report as published by the Treasury for the 2013 budget back in September 2012. This number was published much earlier than 2013 BN manifesto and I doubt the 4% incorporates most if not all of BN manifesto. So, citing the 4% is misleading. In any case, I have written how that 4% in fact is increasingly an incredible figure. I have in fact wrote about this at work as early as October 2012. It is just common sense if you know your stuff and have been monitoring government finance for some time.

First, I have a gripe on some of the numbers. Many projections appear to be based on 2012 nominal GDP figures. Obviously, any ratio based on that number will overstate the deficit ratio since the 2012 GDP figure will very likely be smaller than the 2013 GDP figure.

Second, some take the whole manifesto expenditure and lump it up in just one year when it is clear that many of those spending will be distributed across multiple years. Naturally, you will get a humorously humongous number if you do that.

So, I am annoyed. And to disprove those numbers, I need to produce one of my own.

I hate to disprove Syed Hussein Alatas but I am lazy. I am taking manifesto expenditure figures estimated by The Malaysian Insider and comparing it to Treasury’s 2013 nominal GDP figures. I am not fully convinced of the numbers estimated by TMI but like I said, I am too lazy to produce my own estimates. After all, these are numbers for my blog. If it were for work, I would be more diligent. So, the TMI is the best I have. In my defense, the TMI numbers do not suffer from the two criticisms I have listed down.

TMI has it that BN manifesto in the first year would cost RM12.5 billion while PR’s to cost RM25.6 billion. I do not know the assumptions behind it but I am taking it in good faith.[1]

The Treasury in its Economic Report projects the nominal GDP for Malaysia in 2013 to be slightly more than RM1.00 trillion.[2] The Treasury also projects a fiscal deficit of close to RM40 billion in 2013.[3] So, the base case has the fiscal deficit as 4.1%.

Taking a simple view that all manifesto expenditures are unaccounted for in the 2013 fiscal deficit, that would mean BN manifesto would increase the deficit to 5.4% while PR manifesto would push it to 6.7%.

As you can see, the numbers are less alarming than what political hacks all around have been brandishing. That is not to say those figures are acceptable and I am sure Fitch, S&P and Moody would stand up and yields to spike a bit but it is not the end of the world.

Now, the definition of first year is problematic because the winner of the election will have only about six months to implement their manifesto in 2013. Furthermore, the expenditure for 2013 has been set, notwithstanding possible additional unbudgeted spending that may come later in the year. Furthermore, the six months of 2013 will likely be months of firefighting for both sides.

Because of that, it is probably better to look at the deficit number in 2014 instead.

Now, let us say that the nominal GDP in 2014 would grow at its 2011-2013 growth average (inclusive of the 2013 projected figure), which is about 6.6%. That suggests the nominal GDP in 2014 would be close to RM1.07 trillion.

Let us also assume that the deficit stays the same at RM40 billion however unlikely that will be.

So under a base case scenario before accounting for manifesto spending, the 2014 deficit-to-nominal GDP ratio will be 3.7%.

Accounting for manifesto spending, for BN it might be 4.9%. For PR, it might be 6.1%.

Now, PR manifesto cost might be slightly overestimated. This is especially so because the TMI figures is a gross number. PR will likely institute open tender system more widely and that may reduce overall expenditure by a bit.

As for BN estimate, it is likely slightly overestimated given the base case because I would think some manifesto expenditure would have been included in the budgeted expenditure. Furthermore, some the MRT spending is a kind of contingent liability expenditure: it is “off the balance sheet”. It is just not included in the official deficit calculation.

And the revenue side has not been considered yet. But I am not going to do the revenue projection. After all, the purpose of this entry is to show that it is not the end of the world.

There is just too much uneducated fear mongering and I hate that.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
[1] — [Populist pledges weigh on Malaysia’s wallet, reports WSJ. The Malaysian Insider. April 30 2013]

[2] — [Gross National Income by Demand Aggregates. Economic Report 2012/2013. Malaysian Treasury. Accessed May 1 2013]

[3] — [Federal Government Finance. Economic Report 2012/2013. Malaysian Treasury. Accessed May 1 2013]

Categories
Economics

[2681] Government debt cut reduces borrowing cost in the economy

Here is an interesting paragraph which describes how a cut in government debt can lead to lower borrowing cost in the economy:

A decrease in the supply of government debt has forced some money fund managers and cash investors to scramble for alternatives. Higher demand for commercial paper, repurchase agreements and other short-term private debt has knocked down borrowing costs on Wall Street. [US expects to pay down debt in Q2 for first time since 2007. Reuters. April 29 2013]

How about that? A clear crowding out (or rather, crowding in) effect between the public and the private sectors.

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2679] An Iron Lady to stop populism

Democracy by far is the most respectable way a society can govern itself. That, however, does not mean that democracy has no weaknesses at all. As Winston Churchill is often quoted, “democracy is the worst form of government except all the others that have been tried.”

It is the best that we have after thousands of years of experimentation. Populism is the very essence of democracy. The good thing about that is that it helps ensure the power of the day must always come back to the people if they want to renew their mandate.

Unfortunately, populism is probably the worst feature of democracy as well. That is so because populism can bring about irresponsible policies that can be costly in the future. Everybody loves having a good time but nobody likes to be there for the clean-up.

We saw that in Greece when the government spent everything that it had and more to make its people happy.

The economic populism we saw there is not the only cause of the Greek sovereign debt crisis but it was a major contributor nonetheless. When the debt crisis finally came about and it was time to tighten the belt, the country was up in arms.

And who can forget, in a humiliated and desperate pre-World War II Germany, Adolf Hitler was popular. That populism later brought devastation that no one had seen before.

Greece of recent times and Germany before World War II are extreme examples of populism gone wild. But it is still a cautionary tale for all to bear in mind: there is always cost to populism.

In the late 1970s, Margaret Thatcher was elected as the prime minister of the United Kingdom. She was no friend of populism. She swam against the current ferociously. “The lady’s not for the turning,” as she once said in response to increasing opposition to her policy.

She was adamant in changing the way of doing things to push the UK national economy forward and out of the doldrums. In her mind, there was too much government in the economy and the private sector played too little a role.

The most important thing of all is that she succeeded in revitalising the economy of the UK. She did the job she set out to do even when it cost her job.

Her determination in pursuing her policy shocked her colleagues. Fearing that they might lose the election, they turned around and gave her the boot.

She died earlier this week at the age of 87. The vile comments that followed the news of her death only strengthened the idea that she was not very popular.

At the very least, she was divisive. But whatever one thinks of her, she took her responsibility to heart and she did not flinch. As Malaysians go to the polls, perhaps it is worthwhile to reflect on the resoluteness that Thatcher showed.

This is especially so when both sides of the Malaysian political divide are engaging in populism.

Both are promising to either increase subsidy or cash transfer in hope of winning the general election. To make the matter worse, both sides promise to cut taxes even when their promises if implemented will see government expenditure rising.

The continuing economic populism cannot be good for the health of public finance. Sooner or later when the party is over, somebody will have to pay for that. The path of economic populism is ultimately unsustainable and somebody will need to hit the brakes.

Fortunately, Malaysia is still at the stage where we can hit on the brakes gently. Government finance is still at a respectable level. There is no need for the harsh fiscal austerity in practice in Europe as European economies struggle to grow. But the leeway that Malaysia enjoys cannot be true for too long if economic populism goes on.

The responsible side will be the one which will hit on the brakes gently. The responsible side will be the one that goes out promising a vision that does not depend on promising yet more subsidies and money to voters.

The responsible side will be the one that stands up and reminds all that we cannot go on partying all day, every day.

It is in this respect that Malaysia needs a Thatcher.

One may disagree with the policy Thatcher implemented in the UK in the 1980s but her resoluteness and refusal to succumb to crass populism is something to be admired.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved
First published in The Sun on April 11 2013.