Categories
Economics

[1675] Of a sustainable economic policy requires political sustainability

With the liberalization of the retail fuel market is making headlines on almost daily basis, the volume of liberal-friendly announcement has been dizzying. I am happy of the trend seen within the local retail fuel market of course but I fear the rate of change may be too fast for it to last for long.

Subsidy, as always, suffers from deadweight loss and that is the crux of any objection to it from mainstream economics. Other factors include over-consumption and externality: rather than internalizing externality, certain subsidies only make the matter worse. Affordability has been cited as a reason too but trade-off is a far better reason to oppose subsidy. Nevertheless, both reasons call for at least a reduction of subsidy, if not elimination.

The most neutral argument against subsidy, at least within the current Malaysian context, is the distribution of subsidy. If subsidy is a must, then I think some liberals would be happy to see some improvement in the subsidy delivery system. Typical economic tools which are superior to blanket subsidy ranges from cash transfer to tradable coupons to tax cuts.

After countless criticism aimed at the badly designed subsidy policy, it is heartening to observe that the government has finally endeavored to undertake targeted mechanisms and has actually considered money transfer — the most efficient of all welfare policy as proven by the Second Fundamental Theorem of Welfare Economics[0] — rather than relying on blanket subsidy which is always a blunt tool to help the poor while ruining the economy. If appeal to liberalism fails, then appeal to economics should do fine.

The direction of policies regarding retail prices of fuel is a cause for all liberals — the original liberals, I must add — to jump up and down until the floor gives way and then hold an all night long party in the basement. The speed at the current administration pursuing the matter is something else altogether. The political sustainability of the policy is a matter of concern.

Yes, it is a great tragedy that politics is not necessarily aligned with economics. What good in politics is not necessarily good in economics and vice versa. A sudden elimination of subsidy has a high chance of creating a backlash which may be detrimental to liberal policies. It has been reported that retail fuel prices will be floated to market prices in one go[1]and it is definitely not hard to imagine the kind of opposition such abrupt policy could garner from the public.

What we need are sustainable policies, both economically and politically. A sustainable economic policy without political sustainability is perhaps as useless as an unsustainable economic policy. A policy has to survive considerable amount of time for it to offer noticeable change. A one-time policy which in many ways mimics unsustainable policy only provides a short-term euphoria and may as well suffer from something to the effect of Ricardian equivalent.

Shock therapy may cause revulsion and eventual rejection and we do not need that. The best way to promote liberal economic policy within a heavily welfare-based society is through incremental approach. Gradual liberalization offers liberal policies the political sustainable we need to achieve economic sustainability. I would personally prefer a scheduled gradual reduction of subsidy that will eventually achieve parity with the world market price. Such measured liberalization has a better chance of weathering destructive populism.

There may be something behind this sudden fad of liberalization within the current administration. The magnitude of change is too large to not to attract suspicion. Perhaps, this is an act of desperation. Perhaps, the economic sustainability of the flawed subsidy policy has become too great for the administration to shoulder that political sustainability of the policy is entirely ignored

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[0] — In short, the Second Fundamental Theorem of Welfare Economics states that any efficient outcome could be achieved through lump sum transfer of wealth. See Fundamental theorems of welfare economics at Wikipedia for more explanation.

[1] — KUALA LUMPUR, June 3 (Reuters) – Malaysia will scrap fuel price controls in August and allow pump prices to rise in line with market rates under government plans to cut it’s burgeoning subsidy bill, the domestic trade minister said on Tuesday. [Malaysia to scrap fuel price curbs, use market rate. Reuters. June 3 2008]

Categories
ASEAN Conflict & disaster Economics

[1669] Of no cash aid for Myanmar

Money may not be the only thing in this world but it does make a lot of people happy, including the junta of Myanmar. But keeping the junta happy is not what I have in mind when I want to help the people of Myanmar.

We may have forgotten that Cyclone Nargis took tens of thousand of lives in the Irrawaddy Delta just weeks ago. With the season finale of American Idol, Akademi Fantasi and the loss of sovereignty over a rock or two to Singapore a few days ago, who can blame us? There are far more important things going on with our lives than anything that happens in the delta.

But if we actually cared a little about the victims of Nargis, we would remember that the junta placed restrictions on foreign aid. The junta even refused aid from relief groups, stating that they preferred government-to-government transactions.

The junta of Myanmar must be the luckiest government in the world because it can afford to become a chooser in a time when it really should be a beggar. Unbelievably, it took some coaxing by governments of other countries before the junta actually relented. Even then, aid workers were barred from entering the country. To think that other governments cared more about a person than the person’s government really reflects badly on a government.

Aid eventually crept in but as the blankets, medicine, food and cash got into Myanmar, there were reports that the junta repackaged the aid as if it were provided by the junta. But I suppose, if the aid gets to the victims, it does not matter. Black cat, white cat: whichever catches the mouse is a good cat.[1]

There were also reports that some of the aid was redirected away from the victims of the cyclone.[2] The French had foreseen this by initially offering a small amount of aid and said they did not believe the junta had the trustworthiness to manage the aid. I share the skepticism of the French government.

In many cases, money transfer is a superior method of giving aid when compared to transfer in kind. Money transfer has the potential of improving the receivers’ welfare much more than what material goods can ever do. This is especially so when the receivers know exactly what they need while donors are unfamiliar with the local environment.

Money, after all, is the most generally accepted medium of exchange. It is usually harder for a person to barter blanket for food because the double coincidence of wants has to occur first before that transaction can take place. This is true for many situations, including the one involving fuel subsidy in Malaysia. Money transferred to those the authority wishes to help is a better policy in enhancing welfare than material transfer.

Money or cash transfer, however, does suffer from a problem called moral hazard. In the case of Myanmar, the donors may want to help cyclone victims buy food, blanket and rebuild their livelihood. But with little ability to oversee how it is actually spent, the victims may use the money to buy cigarettes or something less useful in improving their welfare.

Money transfer may also not be as useful in Myanmar as in other places in peaceful times. Disasters, especially the major ones, tend to push prices up as distribution channels suffer damage, causing supply problems. Add to the increased demand, prices will rocket, hence reducing its purchasing power.

Prices shot up in Florida in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina and it surely is happening in the Irrawaddy. Some people derisively called it scalping but I call it economics. Regardless, donation in kind overcomes the problem of weaker purchasing power that any money donation under that scenario suffers.

Thirdly, just as how the French had expressed their skepticism, the junta cannot be trusted with money.

Now, there are caring Malaysian organizations out there that seek to alleviate the suffering of those in Myanmar by sending money over directly. Noble but their actions could prove unhelpful.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — YANGON, Burma — Burma’s military regime distributed international aid Saturday but plastered the boxes with the names of top generals in an apparent effort to turn the relief effort for last week’s devastating cyclone into a propaganda exercise. [Burma Junta Turns International Aid Into Form of Propaganda. Associated Press via FoxNews. May 11 2008]

[2] — The British ambassador to the United Nations, John Sawers, said Britain had also received unconfirmed reports that aid was being redirected away from disaster victims. [Myanmar Government Still Blocking Relief. New York Times. May 14 2008]

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — a version of this article was first published at The Malaysian Insider.

Categories
Economics

[1665] Of Dan is blogging!

One of my favorite professors at Michigan (he was a visiting professor), Daniel Hamermesh is now blogging at Freakonomics of the New York Times. For those unfamiliar with him, he is the econometrician that authored the famed beauty paper which relates wages with beauty. According to that paper, the prettier the person, the higher the person’s wage will be, with all else being constant of course.

As stated earlier, he also has a marvelous blog maintained at Economic Thought of the Day.

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[1664] Of Anwar Ibrahim, both Keynesian and Austrian?

We advocate no doubt Hayekian free enterprise but we don’t think Adam Smith’s invisible hand will be that responsive to the changing times. Hence, whenever necessary, to paraphrase John Kenneth Galbraith, we temper free market with an appropriate dose of state intervention to rectify the social inequities attendant on the interplay of pure market forces. [Full text of Anwar’s speech at CLSA forum in Singapore. Published by The Malaysian Insider. May 20 2008]

Only Anwar Ibrahim could advocate two violently opposing ideas in one go at the highest level. The former Deputy Prime Minister made it as if Keynes had slept with Hayek!

No, no, no. Not Salma Hayek. It is the great Friedrich Hayek.

Categories
Economics

[1663] Of food? Fuel? Dilemma?

Not all dilemmas are really dilemmas. Open up the lid and upon closer inspection, the dilemma unravels without much investment in effort. One such apparent dilemma concerns the production of food and biofuel. There is really no dilemma between food and fuel however. Free price is the scissor to cut the fake Gordian knot.

In explaining the current food crisis, the production of biofuel has been named as one of the culprits which forced food prices to go up. Some sources typically harvested for food are now being turned into fuel as a solution to high crude oil prices and to some extent, as a solution to an environmental concern as well.

With all that, the food sector suddenly finds it is competing with the fuel production industry for supply; cross-elasticity of demand ensures that. Cross-elasticity is basically a fancy way in economics of saying changes in prices of one item affect the quantity demanded for another item. This happens when a product could substitute another dearer item. Coming back on track, as crude oil prices continue to rise, so too demand for alternative fuel. In this case, it is biofuel.

Price is essentially a signal of scarcity. Price reflects all available information about the associated good. In a market free of state intervention, all market participants will face prices that reflect the true situation of the market.

With free prices, market participants including producers will base their decisions on the true market situation. Within the context of food and fuel production, when there is relative scarcity of one item to another, production of the scarcer item will see an increase.

In the end, there will be a dynamic equilibrium between food and biofuel production closely matched to the reality on the ground.

With deeply statist policies in place however, information about the reality on the ground does not get relayed to market participants. Through subsidies, prices floor and ceiling and other mechanisms set in place for purposes ranging from welfare to environmental and development of new technology, prices are unfree. From there on, prices stop acting as a signal of scarcity. As market participants, consumers and producers alike choreograph their decisions based on these flawed prices, their actions will not approximate the true situation of the market.

The larger the effects of statist policies, the harder it is to estimate the true situation of the market, setting the stage for a painful fall. An extreme scenario would lead to a violent collapse of the state as the market would eventually overwhelm the state.

To a statist and even more to a populist, the question of food and fuel production is a dilemma. Price increases of food and crude oil require a hike of production of food and biofuel. Yet, there is a trade-off of production between the food and biofuel.

A statist in the end sits at his desk, trying to think which is more important to the society or in most cases, to the stability of the state. He has to devise a model, whatever the model may espouse, to decide on the matter.

An adherent of free market principles would deal with the question with an ease that would insult any statist. The free market solution is simple: let the market decide for itself.

Before that can happen, the prices have to be set free, especially from policies which suffer deadweight losses. This includes most if not all of welfare-based policies. As for policies on externalities and development of technology which could push the supply curve outward, it should be judged on a case-by-case basis. Let prices with true reflection of the market reach all market participants without unnecessary friction.

Once the market is free, the dilemma will dissolve into oblivion.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — a version of this article was first published at The Malaysian Insider.