Categories
Economics

[1831] Of the quicksand of Keynesianism

Over 70 years after The General Theory on Employment, Interest and Money was published, Keynesianism now holds sways over macroeconomic thinking. Neo-liberalism almost made Keynesianism as obsolete as communism but the tradition of The General Theory proved to be resilient. Resilient as it may be, there are dangers in following the track of Keynesianism and it is certainly not the only option available out there when it comes to facing economic downturns.

Keynesianism, despite its wide explanation of the economy, is best known as the idea which advocates the state taking an active role in managing the economy. In times of uncertainty, the idea that the government needs to spend to pick up the slack in the economy has again regained currency. The Abdullah administration recently introduced an economic stimulus plan worth RM7 billion, announced by the new Finance Minister Najib Razak, to do just that. The DAP proposed an even bolder move involving spending about 6 folds larger than the planned stimulus.

This happens at a time when the country is expected to experience its 12th consecutive fiscal deficit in year 2009.

During the first tabling of the 2009 Budget, the government projected a deficit of 3.6 per cent of the country’s gross domestic product. With lower energy prices as well as increased expenditure, the deficit can go only higher.

When Keynesians espouse deficit spending, they really mean a counter-cyclical fiscal policy in which the government increases its activities in the economy in times of crisis and cuts down the frictions it causes in the economy in good times. However, too many advocates of the policy, especially politicians, conveniently forget or even do not know what the Keynesian countercyclical fiscal policy is all about.

Not that I am advocating the true form of the Keynesian policy but clearly, many politicians subscribe to the narrative of countercyclical fiscal policy only in times of hardship. In better times, none of the action proposed by Keynesian economics is implemented. The continuous fiscal deficit is a proof to that. In all likelihood, the continuous deficit would merely impose a higher cost of borrowing on the country, forcing future generations to bear the burden of past mistakes.

It is true that fiscal deficit and debt in general is not necessarily bad. If borrowing today offers an opportunity for profits tomorrow, that borrowing might be a good idea. The problem with this country is that the government, instead of truly investing in public goods with more convincing multiplier effects like education, is more interested in investing in white elephants, or in the stock market, as evident in the RM5 billion injection into ValueCap through borrowing. It is things like this that make it imperative for us to be suspicious of politicians who seemingly adhere to the Keynesian school of thought.

It has to be noted that when Keynes wrote The General Theory, he was trying to save capitalism. On the contrary, politicians who inconsistently advocate for Keynesianism are not trying to save capitalism. In times of economic crisis, the political environment could be very dynamic and it is Keynesianism, out of several others, which has the potential of calming the electric atmosphere.

While I lament each time Keynesian economics takes centre stage, its effectiveness in smoothing the downside of capitalism is undeniable. There are side effects however.

The government is expected to finance the deficit and the fiscal stimulus through borrowings. The Finance Minister has indicated that the government will mostly obtain the funds from local sources. This effectively means that private enterprises will have to compete against the government in sourcing for precious capital. With the financial crisis well under way internationally, it is likely that the opportunity for local private entities, especially smaller ones, to borrow from abroad is small, leaving local sources as the only options.

This competition for capital only increases the lending rate as demand increases vis-à-vis supply of loanable funds. This has the potential of crowding out private investment. As a result, the private sector may miss out opportunities in times of a downturn and be unable to be as dynamic as it should during recovery times and during yet another era of exuberance.

Deficit spending may also defeat the purpose of the economic stimulus. With higher interest rates, it makes more sense for individuals to save rather than invest in various value-creation initiatives, with all else being equal.

This, in a way, makes countercyclical fiscal policy unhelpful. At least one paper — by Gordon and Leeper — highlights that. The paper states that “countercyclical policies may create a business cycle when there would be no cycle in the absence of countercyclical policies”.

Furthermore, if Keynesians are interested in fighting business cycles so selflessly, why do they not simply eliminate business cycles altogether?

Instead of trying to smooth out cycles after it happened, the Austrian school of economics seeks to inherently smooth business cycles by instilling discipline in monetary policy. While there is not much data to compare the effectiveness of the two schools, the Austrian theory, if business cycles are of concern, sounds far more superior to the Keynesian countercyclical action.

Finally, despite the level of comfort far too many people have when they confidently say that government spending is the only option available in facing an economic downturn, that statement is absolutely false.

One of them involves private rather than public spending. Malaysians — and East Asians in general — have a tremendous amount of private savings. A report states that the level of savings by Malaysians is well above 30 per cent of income. Policymakers could design a policy which takes advantage of that fact. Indeed, the reduction of worker’s contribution to EPF from 11 per cent to 8 per cent is one policy which takes this path.

Others include permanent tax cuts to encourage businesses and enhance disposable income or even simply let the market eliminate unprofitable ventures made unwisely to give other promising ventures a shot.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

A version of this article was first published in The Malaysian Insider.

Categories
Sports

[1830] Of meanwhile back in the Eredivisie

This season of the Eredivisie has been extraordinary. It began with none of the traditional Big Three at the top. Two of them lingered in mid-table while another dangerously lurked at the bottom. Sure, it was early and panic would be excessive. But with about two-thirds of the season to go, the Big Three collectively are struggling.

Ajax only recently found themselves fighting their way back to the top. Currently third, there is a good chance that Ajax will move to the second place after today. Already the result shows that Ajax is leading by 2 goals against Sparta Rotterdam. PSV is right behind Ajax but with the recent shocking loss to NEC Nijmegan yesterday, Ajax should be able to build up some cushion away from PSV.

The saddest of all of the Big Three is Feyenoord. The traditional rival to Ajax has not been well for the past few season but this year is probably one of the worst for Feyenoord. It is unlikely for Feyenoord to mount any reasonable challenge to the title as well as for places in the Champions League and the UEFA Cup.

Ajax has been impressive so far since it is troubled with injury and suspension. And this is also despite the fact that performance on the pitch is not so convincing. One could actually wonder how the hell Ajax has been so lucky so far.

In any case, the leaders of the table from Day 1 to now have been unexpected. Groningen, NEC, Twente. These teams are proving that they are not scared of the Big Three anymore and certainly, not of Feyenoord at all. The kind of disrespect they have shown Feyenoord is hair-raising.

I am unsure if these teams have gotten better over the years. It is probably more of a case which the Big Three have not been performing, with Feyenoord representing an extreme case. The performance of Dutch teams in European competition is another point which supports this hypothesis.

Mediocrity has made this season one of the most egalitarian version of the Eredivisie. This is simply sad but the socialists are probably celebrating. (Heh. I cannot help it. Their penchant for wealth egalitarianism is missing the larger picture.)

There is another team that probably has demonstrated consistent improving and that is AZ Alkmaar. Currently second and mostly like to come out first at the end of today, AZ under former Ajax manager, Louis van Gaal. With Feyenoord floating like a deadwood in the Rhine, AZ is likely to assume Feyenoord’s position as the feared Dutch-trio.

Looking at the Eredivisie so far however, it is hard to say the term Big Three without incredulity. The first and the fifth placed team are only separated by 5 points.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — after the dust settles for the week, three teams at top — in the order of AZ, Ajax and NAC Breda — share the same points, separated only by goal difference.

Categories
Economics

[1829] Of libertarian paternalism in EPF?

One aspect of the stimulus package announced by the Finance Minister earlier was smart enough in its execution that it needs a mention. While the 3% return of money to workers is optional, the return is done automatically unless the workers request not to.[1]

This is similar to the thinking of libertarian paternalism. Despite the term libertarian in it, do not be fooled by it because libertarian paternalism is not libertarian at all. In it the idea of the state knows best, “nudging” — as they call it; there is a controversial book called Nudge which had the libertarian world went on frenzy mode — individual to the option which the state thinks is the best or more often than not, prefers, with no coercion.

The idea of this particular implementation is to spend existing savings. With a high saving rate of over 30%, resources for spending to give the economy a little jolt is there. It is never a question whether the Malaysian government has any resources to stimulate the economy — that is, if it needs stimulation — but rather how does the government ensure that there is spending rather than a simple cash transfer which only ends up as savings again and therefore blunting the stimulus package.

Researches cited by libertarian paternalism indicate that individuals to large extent suffer from status quo bias. It means individuals are comfortable with current settings even if new settings are more efficient than the existing ones. The automatic EPF return takes note of this pattern.

If there was no automatic return, it is likely that the money would not be spent or distributed more widely in the economy, due to status quo bias. Many people would probably leave it in the EPF.

By having automatic return, individuals suddenly hold more disposable income with all else being constant. Thus, greater capacity for spending.

Opposition against the automatic return has been expressed[2], seemingly opposing libertarian paternalism. How many is unclear but there are those with low discount rate who would like to keep those 3% in EPF and the execution plan by the EPF only forces them to do more work than necessary. Groups, including those with the capability to fight instant gratification have demanded for the process to be reversed: return needs to be requested. That, indeed, the way it must be done.

In any case, in the end of the day, I am just glad that I will get some of my money back. In fact, to hell with paternalism as a whole. I want all of my money back and I want to decide how I want to spend or save the money.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — Following up on the announcement, the EPF had instructed that those employees who did not wish to reduce their statutory contribution from 11 per cent to eight per cent a month would have to state that in writing by filling up a form. [EPF procedure to carry out 3pc cut ‘not practical’. New Straits Times. November 8 2008]

[2] — Various parties have voiced concern about the procedure for workers to reduce their contribution to the Employees Provident Fund (EPF) by three per cent for two years, which the government has proposed. [EPF procedure to carry out 3pc cut ‘not practical’. New Straits Times. November 8 2008]

Categories
Politics & government

[1828] Of what the GOP needs to do

I typical share via Google Reader these days but I thought, this post from Greg Mankiw deserves extra attention basically because I agree with it. He theorizes that the youth moved away from the Republican Party because of social conservatism. I expressed the same concerned earlier.

…It was largely noneconomic issues. These particular students told me they preferred the lower tax, more limited government, freer trade views of McCain, but they were voting for Obama on the basis of foreign policy and especially social issues like abortion. The choice of a social conservative like Palin as veep really turned them off McCain.

So what does the Republican Party need to do to get the youth vote back? If the Harvard students are typical (and perhaps they are not, as Harvard students are hardly a random sample), the party needs to scale back its social conservatism. Put simply, it needs to become a party for moderate and mainstream libertarians. The actual Libertarian Party is far too extreme in its views to attract these students. And it is too much of a strange fringe group. These students are, after all, part of the establishment. But a reformed Republican Party could, I think, win them back. [The Youth Vote and the GOP. Greg Mankiw’s Blog. November 5 2008]

Will it happen?

Categories
Environment

[1827] Of what about the Kyoto Protocol, Mr. Democrats?

Since the Democrats are in control of both the White House and the Congress, will it finally ratify the Kyoto Protocol?