I have been busy and this stretch of insanity is expected to last until Thursday.
Staying true to tradition, each time I am unable to write, I present to you, a photo which I shot much earlier.
I spotted it somewhere near Darlington Harbor. Or harbour, depending on which side of the pond you are. And yes, my spellchecker highlights the word harbour even when I find myself in a country with the Queen’s English as lingua franca.
Those who value liberty place responsibility on a pedestal. Without responsibility, an entity is undeserving of liberty and deserves admonishment for its oversight. While it is heartening to witness the culture of liberty flourishing in Malaysia, it is unclear if the necessary responsibility associated with freedom is experiencing parallel development required of a mature free society. Many Malaysians are delighted at the prospect of greater freedom but remain unwilling to take up the required responsibility.
Sentiments prevalent in several issues can demonstrate this clearly. The issue of fuel subsidy is one: advocates of subsidy want to consume fuel but are unashamedly unwilling to pay for its fair, free market cost.
Another example, which I would like to go into greater depth, is the discussion regarding the relationship between eastern and Peninsular Malaysia.
I am not at all humored by complaints raised by critical Malaysians in Sabah and Sarawak on how they have been short-changed in the 46-year-old partnership between the two states in Borneo and the 11 states in the Malay Peninsula. Some public discourse in eastern Malaysia exhibit varying levels of hostility to Peninsular Malaysia that sometimes in jest includes the mention of Malayan imperialism. Along with it are matters such as underdevelopment, allocation of resources, immigration and even the date of National Day, among other things.
This hostility is unfair because the peninsular states should not be their punching bag. Only the federal government has the power to effectively address those issues both Sabah and Sarawak face individually or collectively. It is utterly crucial to differentiate between the peninsular states and the federal government. Failure to do so will not solve the problem and is likely to make the problem worse by introducing new ones. Hence, the resentment should be directed at the federal government.
Furthermore, while admittedly the other 11 states theoretically dominate the national legislature, federalism is only rarely a priority item among these 11 states due to years of the centralization policy of the federal government that flagrantly disrespected individual states’ rights. In fact, perhaps that is true for all states in Malaysia, including Sabah and Sarawak. Simply observe the Dewan Negara. What is supposed to be a symbol of states’ rights has been reduced to a rubber stamp of the executive, contrary to the spirit of democracy, even in the crudest definition of democracy.
Actually, even the federal government is unworthy of the resentment. If it has been forgotten, Sabah and Sarawak are part of the federal government. Two factors need stress.
One, Sabah and Sarawak are over-represented in the Lower House of Parliament in terms of population. Both states combined have approximately only six million people but are associated with 56 seats. The other 11 states have close to 20 million Malaysians but have only 153 seats in the Dewan Rakyat.
Two, moreover, as a direct result of the March 8, 2008 general election, both states have unprecedented influence in the federal government.
If the interests of Sabah and Sarawak have not been secured, it is clear that those who are frustrated at national discourse regarding both states should not blame the peninsular states or even the federal government. Rather, their representatives have failed.
Their federal representatives failed because despite over-representation in Parliament and commanding influence in the federal government, these eastern Malaysian representatives failed to effect national discourse. Meanwhile, their state representatives failed because they did not stand up to federal pressure when called upon to do so.
Yet, the majority in Sabah and Sarawak continuously voted for these representatives who sometimes seemingly colluded with the federal government to erode state rights of not only that of Sabah and Sarawak, but all 13 states of the 46-year-old federation.
Ultimately, this is a failure of assuming rightful responsibility. It is a failure of Sabahans and Sarawakians, especially those who are unhappy with the status quo. They demand their rights but they do not stand up and be counted. Thus, they brought this upon themselves and therefore, they have only themselves to blame.
What other conclusion can one draw?
Worst of all, they are shifting the cause of their failure to those on the peninsula. Not only those who cry Malayan imperialism each time the federal government comes in sight failed to act by changing their representatives, they refused to shoulder the consequences for their failure to act by making a scapegoat out of Peninsular Malaysia.
As I said, I am not at all humored.
First published in The Malaysian Insider on September 17 2009.
Death is always unpleasant for life is always too precious to waste. Hence, I greet the death of Noordin Mohammed Top with a kind of bitter sweet feeling. Part of me regretted it while the other half is happy to learn that regional terrorist network has lost an important figurehead.[1]
His ideal is disagreeable and the mean to his end is even more disagreeable. His death is a testament of the idiom those who live by the sword will die by the sword. Noordin chose that path and he knew it. He violated the non-aggression axiom and by doing so, he legitimized effort taken on his life by others hurt by his actions.
I do not know how this may affect terrorist activity in the region but hopefully, it means reduced probability of attacks in Indonesia. I have mentioned that I have high hope for Indonesia to spearhead democratic change in Southeast Asia and become the symbol of aspiration for all liberal democrats in the region. If indeed the death of Noordin leads to a more stable Indonesia on average, then the development of a democratic Southeast Asia — and really, I am first and foremost concerned with democracy in Malaysia — comes one step closer to fruition.
Apart from that, I do hope the death of Noordin would build a new bridge between Malaysia and Indonesia. It is in this sense that I am most glad that Noordin is now dead. The recent spat between Malaysia and Indonesia has been damaging to regionalism in Southeast Asia. His destructive action has been raised by angry Indonesians as a Malaysian product. Malaysia exports terrorism, as some Indonesians accuse Malaysia.
This is most unfair because the Malaysian government and a majority of Malaysians, as I believe, do not support him. Yet, he was a Malaysian and that is undeniable and that is an embarrassing fact for me to admit, especially to foreigners and to my Indonesian friends.
Nevertheless, a torn is now gone.
[1] — ASIAN terrorist mastermind Noordin Mohammed Top, the man responsible for plotting the 2002 and 2005 Bali bombings, has been killed during an Indonesian police raid against suspected Islamist militants in Central Java.
Top was one of four people who died during the raid yesterday on a militant hideout near Solo, Indonesia’s police chief, Bambang Hendarso Danuri, confirmed last night.. [Bali mastermind Noordin Top killed in Indonesian raid. The Australian. September 18 2009]
Have a great Malaysia Day.
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The AP Top 25 welcomes back Michigan.
Sing it!
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I do not remember where I got this but it was certainly played by the Michigan Marching Band!