Categories
Liberty

[1894] Of the flaw of forced liberation

It is likely for those supportive of the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq to call the operation an act of liberation. Appearing on NBC’s ”Meet the Press” hosted by Tim Russert, former US Vice-President Dick Cheney confidently postulated that Iraqis would greet the US military as liberators. Not to deny that there were Iraqis who celebrated the fall of Saddam Hussein the dictator, the days, months and years that followed greeted the invading force with bullets and bombs instead of flowers.

He said: ”Now, I think things have gotten so bad inside Iraq, from the standpoint of the Iraqi people, my belief is we will, in fact, be greeted as liberators.” Four days later, the US troops with its Coalition of the Willing began what they would identify as the liberation of Iraq.

The former vice-president and many supportive of the war from the beginning were not alone in tricking themselves into believing that their actions would be appreciated by the invaded. Farther to the east, Tibetan legislators loyal to the central government of the People’s Republic of China just last month declared March 28 as an annual holiday in Tibet. Known as Serfs’ Emancipation Day, it is designed to celebrate the official narrative of the central government of the PRC.

It is an act of pretension equivalent to Cheney’s.

It was 50 years ago on that day that the independent government of Tibet fled the country after a failed rebellion against the occupying PRC force. It was already nine years since the communist PRC first invaded Tibet in 1950 since effective Tibetan independence decades ago.

The invasion was predicated on a pillar: Tibet has always been part of China. To morally support the invasion if the idea of first rationale is unpalatable, the PRC claimed that it was freeing Tibetan serfs from a feudalistic system practiced there.

These two assertions are controversial. Here today in light of the newly announced Serfs’ Emancipation Day, the claim of liberation requires attention.

For a country whose liberty has never been its strong point, the claim of liberation is highly inappropriate. What is the value of such liberation when it led to another kind of occupation? What is the value of forced freedom?

There is a political cartoon first published at the height of the Bush administration. I feel that the author wanted to paint the usefulness of exporting freedom and democracy to the Middle East. In it, former US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice ran a plebiscite among Arabs. While she proudly witnessed the Arabs finally practicing democracy and free choice, to her great surprise she learned that the Arabs voted to kick the US out of the Middle East and democratically rejected democracy. The cartoon is of course filled with hyperbole but the message is clear.

Societies in the Middle East are undoubtedly unfree. Those societies and especially those holding the levers of powers maintaining the status quo there deserve criticism. Nevertheless before the societies can be free, individuals in those societies have to yearn to be free first. What is the point of forcefully doing away with an unfree societal structure when the majority of individuals in those societies after that waste no time in returning to the old ways of disrespecting individual liberty?

For a society to be truly free, freedom has to be born organically and not introduced exogenously through force. Freedom has to be freely and sincerely embraced before true change towards a freer society can happen. A society forced to be free would become an unsustainable society that would only regress farther away towards a coercive top-down approach, making the arduous journey towards a free society harder than it should be.

Iraq today is not free but occupied. That is why there is opposition in Iraq. The same goes with Tibet. The truth is that the story in Tibet is a story of occupation. Freedom shoved down a person’s throat is no freedom at all. To say otherwise is an attempt at dishonesty.

And surely, the PRC’s claim of serfs’ liberation in Tibet itself is not consistent with its own previous effort at collective farming and people’s communes. Such systems tied individuals to the land: that is unarguably serfdom.

The many inconsistencies are observable. Forced liberation is an oxymoron and the Serfs’ Emancipation Day is a celebration to legitimize illegal occupation of Tibet.

Many Tibetans went out and voiced what they really think of the liberation on March 28, 2008. That day is instructive of how much freedom Tibetans have in a liberated Tibet. Not only has the right to self-determination has always been denied, freedom of expression was brutally suppressed. Those who care would remember that Tibetans peacefully took to the street last year to exercise their inalienable right to freedom of expression to remember the events of 1959. Unfortunately, the desire for freedom of expression on one side and the effort to contain it on the other side ended in a deadly riot.

For many Malaysians, we were lucky to have the courage to exercise our freedom in the face of state power and then coming out on top. For many Tibetans, they do not share this sweet liberty. The suffocating grip on liberty was not loosen but tightened. They have a long way to go, just like Palestinians who wish only to be free.

As the inaugural oxymoron day approaches, already the PRC authority in Tibet is mindful of last year’s event. At this very moment, homes, businesses and other places are being raided in the name of fighting crime. In reality, it is an act of intimidation.

That is the reality of a supposedly liberated Tibet.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on February 2 2009.

Categories
Liberty Society

[1796] Mengenai buang negara bangsa untuk nasionalisme yang terluas

Sering kali saya terdengar akan keperluan untuk rakyat Malaysia membentuk satu nasionalisme baru untuk mengatasi cabaran masa muka. Dengan mudahnya, nasionalisme ini mengimpikan satu bangsa yang merangkumi semua rakyat Malaysia, di mana semua memiliki hak-hak yang saksama tanpa pilih kasih. Ramai mengenali nasionalisme baru ini sebagai bangsa Malaysia. Walaupun saya mungkin bersimpati dengan konsep ini berbanding dengan apa yang sedang dipegang oleh pihak yang masih berselindung di dalam sangkar perkauman, saya berpendapat bahawa bangsa Malaysia berada tidak jauh dari tarikh luputnya.

Sebelum kita berbicara tentang mengapa saya berfikiran demikian, kita perlu memahami mengapa bangsa Malaysia lahir. Tidak perlu kita membelek buku-buku sejarah, politik ataupun falsafah untuk memahami perkara itu. Jawapan ringkas tetapi tepat boleh diperoleh dari batu asas kepada pemikiran kenegaraan yang memperjuangkan satu bangsa yang mengandungi pelbagai kaum untuk satu negara; batu asas itu adalah negara bangsa atau nation-state.

Negara di sini bukan yang segera difahami oleh semua. Bahasa Melayu — seperti apa yang akan ditegaskan oleh penyorak-penyorak bangsa Malaysia, bahasa Malaysia atau sekurang-kurangnya pembicaraan popular tempatan yang bersangkut paut tentang kenegaraan — gagal membezakan konsep country (negara, negeri atau wilayah boleh dilukis di atas kertas), nation (negara atau lebih tepat bangsa) dan state (negara sebagai satu institusi) secara memuaskan. Kekeliruan ini menjadikan perdebatan tentang negara Islam di Malaysia berganjak satu perkara yang penting kepada satu pertunjukan sarkas yang tidak bermakna. Susah untuk seseorang itu memastikan sama ada penyokong dan penentang negara Islam berdebat tentang Islamic state atau Islamic country. Ini sendiri membuatkan saya duduk jauh daripada perbahasan mengenai negara Islam di mana para pendebat tidak sedar akan perbezaan penting ini.

Kembali kepada perkara pokok dengan harapan masalah penterjemaah tidak mengaburi apa yang saya mahu kongsi bersama, negara bangsa mengatakan bahawa sesuatu bangsa, satu kelompok manusia yang berkongsi warna kulit, bahasa, agama atau secara amnya budaya, berhak mentadbir dirinya sendiri. Pentadbiran ini direalisasikan dengan mendirikan satu institusi iaitu negara atau state.

Pemimpin-pemimpin Malaya dan kemudiannya Malaysia sendiri cuba mendirikan negara kita di atas konsep negara bangsa, di mana bangsa itu adalah bangsa Malaya (Malayan) and kemudiannya Malaysia (Malaysian). Bagi negara yang berbilang kaum, pelbagai bangsa, usaha untuk mendirikan satu negara bangsa akan bertemu dengan satu halangan yang besar: ketiadaan satu bangsa organik yang merangkumi semua bangsa; ketiadaan bangsa mengiakan negara yang mengandungi pelbagai bangsa organik; tiada bangsa yang organik yang menerima bangsa Melayu, Cina, India dan ”bangsa lain-lain” sebagai anggota dengan yakin.

Mungkin bangsa longgar wujud beberapa dekad setelah imigrasi besar-besaran ke negeri-negeri Melayu serta Borneo berlaku. Pendapat ini bagaimanapun terlampau bersifat subjektif dan sukar dibentuk di dalam minda dengan baiknya tanpa pencanggahan.

Walau bagaimanapun, jika kita melupakan sementara masalah definisi itu dengan semangat pragmatisme, bangsa yang baru itu tidak bernama dan hanya dirujuk sebagai satu apabila negara kita terdiri. Dalam usaha untuk mengesahkan negara ini dari pandangan negara bangsa, konsep kerakyatan tidak mencukupi. Keperluan untuk membentuk satu bangsa tiruan wujud di atas ketiadaan bangsa organik. Oleh itu, bangsa longgar yang tidak bernama itu mula dirujuk sebagai bangsa Malaysia, bersemperna negara Malaysia.

Tetapi, falsafah yang diketengahkan oleh negara bangsa berdiri dengan tanggapan yang satu bangsa itu berhak untuk mentadbirkan dirinya sendiri. Soalan yang perlu ditanya adalah ini: perlukan sesuatu negara itu berdiri dengan bangsa sebagai tunggak asas?

Malaysia sendiri berjaya dibentuk tanpa adanya bangsa yang satu. Penekanan terhadap bangsa Malaysia hanya berlaku selepas terbentuknya negara Malaysia. Ini adalah satu tanda yang mengatakan negara bangsa itu tidak menjadi satu syarat dalam pembentukan negara.

Yang lebih ditakutkan, konsep negara bangsa itu sendiri mungkin akan membawa kepada perpecahan negara. Malaysia mempunyai sekurang-kurangnya tiga bangsa yang berpengaruh besar. Jika konsep negara bangsa dipatuhi dengan taatnya, lambat laun Malaysia akan terbahagi kepada sekurang-kurangnya tiga negara. Ini belum lagi mengambil kira perbezaan agama yang boleh menjadi asas kepada pemikiran negara bangsa.

Di negara-negara lain seperti Perancis, negara bangsa tidak lagi memainkan peranan utama dalam pentadbiran negara. Malah, Kesatuan Eropah sendiri tidak memerlukan satu bangsa luas untuk mengemudi dirinya ke hadapan. Kesatuan tersebut ada masalah-masalahnya sendiri tetapi perlu diingatkan, pembentukan negara itu sendiri memerlukan masa. Apa yang ingin disampai di sini ialah konsep kerakyatan itu sendiri sudah mencukupi.

Tambahan pula, demografik sesuatu negara sering berubah. Pergerakan manusia serta modal yang semakin bebas sering menukarkan kandungan bangsa sintetik seperti konsep bangsa Malaysia itu sendiri. Apabila kandungan bangsa sintetik itu diubah disebabkan pergaulan di antara bangsa-bangsa organik dan lebih penting, para individu, apakah perlu kita mengembleng tenaga sekali lagi untuk mentakrifkan bangsa yang baru? Adakah perlu kita melindungi takrifan bangsa sintetik itu daripada berubah?

Perubahan itu bagaimanapun tidak meminta konsep kerakyatan berubah, jika asas kerakyatan itu bersifat liberal dan buta kepada idea negara bangsa.

Saya sebagai seseorang individu mahu mendekati satu bentuk nasionalisme yang lebih unggul dan luas daripada yang berasaskan negara bangsa. Kita perlu melihat lebih jauh dari konsep bangsa. Ini tidak bermakna kita harus menghapuskan bangsa-bangsa organik. Kita semua adalah seorang individu dan setiap individu itu berhak menentukan cara hidup mereka sendiri dengan syarat tindakan mereka itu tidak merampas hak-hak yang sama yang dinikmati oleh orang-orang lain.

Sebagai satu negara yang kecil, kita harus cergas menerima apa yang terbaik daripada tamadun manusia. Sudah hilang waktu di mana kita boleh melihat kepada kaum kita sendiri untuk mencari kekuatan. Kita harus menjemput mereka yang ingin berusaha untuk membina kehidupan yang terulung walaupun mereka orang asing. Negara atau masyarakat yang mengandungi individu-individu ini akan menaikkan taraf kehidupan masyarakat itu sendiri. Selamat datang diucapkan kepada mereka yang ingin menyumbang dan sanggup menghormati hak-hak individu terhadap kebebasan.

Nasionalisme saya berkisar kepada pembukaan sempadan kita kepada mereka yang terlatih untuk membangunkan negara. Sebelum itu berlaku, kesaksamaan hak-hak terhadap kebebasan perlu dijamin. Nasionalisme ini perlu melindungi semua dengan sama rata, tanpa mengira kerakyatan. Negara yang menjamin semua ini akan menarik yang terbaik di kalangan manusia dan seterusnya membolehkan kita membina satu tamadun yang hebat tanpa sekatan yang terbina atas nama ketakutan.

Konsep negara bangsa merupakan satu sekatan untuk kita maju ke hadapan, jauh meninggalkan yang lain yang masih terkongkong di dalam pemikiran lama.

Saya yakin, inilah nasionalisme yang tertinggi dan terbaik, di mana bangsa itu adalah bangsa manusia. Tidak perlu kita mewujudkan bangsa yang sintetik untuk bersatu. Hanya yang diperlukan adalah kesanggupan untuk kita untuk hormat-menghormati hak-hak asasi individu tanpa memilih kasih.

Nasionalisme yang terluas inilah yang akan mengatasi nasionalisme yang lain.

Baiklah.

Saya mengaku.

Ini sebenarnya menuju ke arah liberalisme.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

Satu versi tulisan ini telah pertama kali diterbitkan di Bolehland.

Categories
Liberty

[1758] Of ubi libertas ibi patria

Home is where liberty is.

Categories
Economics Education Liberty Society

[1716] Of spark plug for liberalism in poor societies

Education empowers individuals by enabling them to utilize their faculties, freeing themselves from tyranny. With reasonably educated individuals dominating the society, the creation of a liberal society becomes more possible than ever. Self-empowerment is the seed to the creation of a liberal society and education is the key to such empowerment. Without the empowerment, individuals would forever stand timid in the face of tyranny, unable to rationalize the reason for liberty.

Education is the sculpture of a society and its importance cannot be overemphasized. Yet, the issue of education has always bogged me down. I struggle to answer the question whether the state is required in providing individuals with education, especially in poor societies.

I am predisposed to answer no.

The path is chosen due to my minarchist tendency which seeks to limit the roles of government to simply the protection of individual liberty and private property only. This is the only social contract which a libertarian seeks. Anything more increases the opportunity for tyranny.

All other areas should be left to means of individuals in the society. The reason for that is the market in many cases has proven to be more than capable to play roles played by statist state as effective if not better. It is part of the spontaneous order doctrine so close to the heart of libertarianism.

The issue of education and the state arises when I come to consider the effect of endowment on eventual outcome. In a poor society, attainment of education requires a quantum leap. Resources well beyond the means of the poor are required to invest in education.

It is not uncommon for children of poor families to face strong pressure to forgo basic education in order to answer immediate question surrounding matter of survival. Without coercion by the state in form of compulsory basic education as well as other aids, it would be highly probable for these children to stay away from any kind of formal education. As they grow up, they would become susceptible to manipulation of the elites whom might have insidious plan to promote themselves in a society. Through this manipulation which usually comes in form of populism, a mob could easily overrun individuals, transgressing individual liberty with impunity.

Only a strong liberal culture could fight such tendency fearsomely. It is worth repeating that the birth of a liberal society is only possible through self-empowerment usually brought upon by education. By education, I do not mean simply the ability to read and write. I am referring to the development of the critical minds which take more than merely learning about humanities and sciences. I speak of liberal education which students are able to explore their potential freely.

Leaving education to the workings of market of a poor society may not encourage the creation of a liberal society. There is always competing demand between immediate demand and the future prospect. Not too many people have the luxury of looking beyond a hill when no food is guaranteed on a table everyday, assuming there is a table in the first place.

The misalignment of temporal requirement for education could perhaps be tweaked to impress on individuals the importance of education through market means without the use of force. For instance, a philanthropist or foundation could fund schools or offer need-based scholarships, making the cost of education of a child more bearable to poor families. To bring the idea farther down the road, a corporation in need of talents could adopt a child by financing the child’s education. Graduated individuals under such program could repay their sponsors when they start their professional career.

Then again, this only repeats the problem of citizenship for liberals and mismatched timelines: the ones most likely to make such bond for the children would be the parents while the children really had no say in the matter. As they matured, they found themselves in bond they did not choose to be in.

How well private institutions tailored for basic education fares against the idea of universal basic education has yet to be explored however. Even on the surfaces, private institutions may disfranchise the poor for reason made clear earlier. And I am uncertain how a system dominated by private institution for basic level encourages a society’s progress towards liberal ideals.

All that considered, it seems that the institution of universal education on the basic level supported by the state looks promising in creating a liberal society, especially for poor societies. As for affluent societies, the problem of endowment is less of an issue. It is probable that members of an affluent society are well-educated and liberal enough in their outlook to fight tyranny.

The progression towards an affluent society however requires education and this creates a conflict in my thinking. Ignorance is a barrier to self-empowerment and liberty.

Perhaps, universal basic and general education with involvement of the state for poor society is the spark plug for liberalism. Perhaps, I am trying to be too rigid, ignoring a virtue of pragmatism.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

p/s — Milton Friedman’s The Role of Government in Education is an essential read. Friedman’s Free to Choose is for further reading. For wider scope, the Friedman Foundation has more.

Categories
Liberty Poetry

[1680] Of give me your tired, your poor

Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame,
With conquering limbs astride from land to land;
Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand
A mighty woman with a torch, whose flame
Is the imprisoned lightning, and her name
Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand
Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command
The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame.
“Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!” cries she
With silent lips. “Give me your tired, your poor,
Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,
The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.
Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,
I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”

The New Colossus. Emma Lazarus, 1883