Categories
Humor Politics & government

[1501] Of the Former Turkish Province of Greece

Too good to let it pass peacefully:

SIR — The problem of Greece’s refusal to agree to the name of ”Macedonia” for its northern neighbour is easily solved (”The game of the name”, December 8th). Let Macedonia be admitted to various international bodies under the title of ”The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”, as Greece demands, but on condition that Greece itself be reseated under the name ”The Former Turkish Province of Greece”. An additional advantage of this solution would be that the two countries would sit side-by-side in the United Nations, thereby facilitating constructive private discussions, or fisticuffs according to the mood of the day.

David Brewer

Puslinch, Canada [On urban populations, secularism, international law, cocaine, Macedonia, computers, Alaska. The Economist. January 3 2008]

Witty.

Categories
Humor Politics & government

[1386] Of Taiwan to join the United Nations as Belgium?

Last week, The Economist publishes an article that touches on the current uneasy Belgian climate. This week, the same publication publishes several angry replies and also this:

SIR — Another article mentions the problems of a ”doomed attempt” by the Taiwanese to join the United Nations as ”Taiwan” rather than the ”Republic of China”, the name under which they lost their seat in 1971 (”The trouble with democracy”, September 8th). If the praline divorce does happen, couldn’t Taiwan join the UN as ”Belgium”?

Jerry Rose

Glendale, Arizona [On Belgium, trusting the markets, Google, Amerigo Vespucci, capital punishment. The Economist. September 20 2007]

Pardon me while I burst into laughter.

Categories
Politics & government Society

[1349] Of The Economist on hypocritical Malay dilemma

One of the bibles of libertarianism says:

The social contract may once have seemed necessary to keep the peace but now it and the official racism that it is used to justify look indefensible: it is absurd and unjust to tell the children of families that have lived in Malaysia for generations that, in effect, they are lucky not to be deported and will have to put up with second-class treatment for the rest of their lives, in the name of “racial harmony”. When the mild-mannered Abdullah Badawi took over as prime minister from the fire-breathing Mahathir Mohamad in 2003, there were hopes of change for the better. Mr Badawi preached a moderate, “civilisational” Islam and pledged to crack down on corruption.

Four years on, corruption, facilitated by the pro-Malay policies, is unchecked. The state continues to use draconian internal-security laws, dating back to the colonial era, to silence and threaten critics. UMNO continues to portray itself to Malays as the defender of their privileges yet tries to convince everyone else that it is the guarantor of racial harmony. One commentator this week gently described this as a “paradox”. Hypocrisy would be a better word. [Tall buildings, narrow minds. The Economist. August 30 2007]

Indeed, the social contract is obsolete.

Categories
Humor

[1212] Of Kissinger sat in 2B

I just have to share this.

Categories
Politics & government

[1178] Of Sarkozy at The Economist

The cover of the current issue of The Economist:

Copyrights by The Economist. Fair use.

How do the candidates measure up? Only three of the 12 are serious runners… A fourth who may shape the outcome is Mr Le Pen, the veteran leader of the racist National Front, who shamed France by edging past the Socialist candidate into the run-off against Mr Chirac in 2002. Mr Le Pen’s poll numbers are better now than they were at the equivalent stage then. It is vital for France and its image that Mr Le Pen be kept out of the second round this time.

Ms Royal would be an asset in the second round, turning it into a satisfyingly direct left-right contest. She has other attractions: the first woman to be a serious contender, the boldness to push past the elephants in her party to win the nomination, a willingness to break with Socialist taboos by praising Britain’s Tony Blair and criticising the French state’s imposition of a maximum 35-hour working week. Unfortunately her policies are woolly even by modern standards. And in economics, she stands squarely behind all the old left-wing shibboleths: state intervention, rigid labour protection and high taxes.

On the face of it, the centrist Mr Bayrou is more promising. His pledge to curb the public debt is more credible than Ms Royal’s and even Mr Sarkozy’s. But he has failed to promote a free-market agenda—he is distressingly fond of farm subsidies and state intervention. Nor is it clear how he would form a government: his centrist party is tiny, and his vague musings of drawing in like-minded leaders from left and right smack of the lowest common denominator.

[…]

Which leaves Mr Sarkozy as the best of the bunch. Unlike the others, and despite his long service as a minister under Mr Chirac, he makes no bones of admitting that France needs radical change. He is an outsider, born to an aristocratic Hungarian émigré father; he openly admires America; he is enthusiastic about the economic renaissance of Britain. He plans an early legislative blitz to take on hitherto untouchable issues such as labour-market liberalisation, cutting corporate and income taxes and trimming public-sector pensions. [France’s chance. The Economist. April 12 2007]

For a libertarian, he might be the best credible candidate that is worth considering, despite his shortcomings.