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Liberty Politics & government Society

[2276] Of it requires an answer

At a recent public lecture in Sydney, Australia, Anwar Ibrahim said he avoids answering which he aspires to: a secular state or an Islamic state. He reasoned that the issue is contentious and unproductive to engage in. He believes what exists instead is a quasi-secular state, and a hypocritical one at that. He went on to state that the problem revolves around hypocrisy. I left the lecture dissatisfied with the message. Immediately after he ended his speech, I began to wonder about the kind of consistency he was looking for.

He argued that part of the reason why the issue is contentious is that both mean different things to different person. For instance, there are opponents of secularism who believe that secularism is anti-religion. That illiberal brand of secularism stifles religions in the public sphere, like what happened in Turkey before. And then there are proponents of secularism who assert that secularism is neutral of religion. Backed by liberal principles, a liberal secular state will treat all religions equally as long as those religions do not infringe on individual liberties. I myself subscribe to this idea.

Being the glue that holds Pakatan Rakyat together, it is completely understandable why he avoids the question. If anybody needs a reminder, DAP and the Islamist PAS are both the main component parties of Pakatan Rakyat. Both have rattled sabers over the matter within the Malaysian context. In Sydney, he stressed the need to build consensus. Fair enough.

The avoidance, however, is problematic when he is critical of the double standards in the implementation of Islamic law in Malaysia, where the rich and influential get away with what Islam frowns at while others get punished. That criticism relies on the idea of equality before the law. Such equality itself is a sound concept. Yet, not all equality ranks equally in terms of preference.

While the application of unequal weight of the law is distasteful, I shudder to think of a situation of equal implementation of Islamic law, especially in its current form in Malaysia. This is because it violates individual liberties — especially for those whom the state considers as Muslims — such as freedom of conscience. That translates into law that states whom a person can marry, what he or she can eat or drink, what a person can believe in, etc. It excessively dictates one’s personal life. An Islamic state that runs on Islamic law necessarily does that.

Religion has always been a personal, private matter for liberals. When religion is a private matter then the state has no say, freedom has more opportunities to flourish. This is why liberals prefer a secular state with respect to any religious state, while holding all other concerns constant. The opportunity for liberty to flourish doubles when there are guarantees for individual liberties within a liberal democratic framework, which addresses the problem of tyranny of the majority.

Criticism of hypocrisy and the existence of preferences in different kinds of equality essentially introduce back the question of secularism and Islamic state. The question does not need to be framed in such a stark contrast. Forget the labels. Ask instead, will religion, specifically Islam, be used to dictate a person’s lifestyle? More specifically, will it be used to dictate a Malay’s lifestyle?

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on November 18 2010.

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Photography Politics & government

[2273] Of Anwar Ibrahim at the University of Sydney

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Economics Politics & government Society

[2261] Of the importance of apathy

An interesting parallel appears here between economics and exit, on the one hand, and politics and voice, on the other. Just as in economics it had long been thought that the more elastic demand is (that is, the more rapidly exit ensues whenever deterioration occurs) the better for the functioning of the economic system, so it has long been an article of faith of political theory that the proper functioning of democracy requires a maximally alert, active, and vocal public. In the United States, this belief was shaken by empirical studies of voting and political behavior which demonstrated the existence of considerable political apathy on the part of large sections of the public, for long periods of time. Since the democratic system appeared to survive this apathy rather well, it became clear that the relations between political activism of the citizens and stable democracy are considerably more complex than had once been thought. As in the case of exit, a mixture of alert and inert citizens, or even an alternation of involvement and withdrawal, may actually serve democracy better than either total, permanent activism or total apathy. One reason, stressed by Robert Dahl, is that the ordinary failure, on the part of most citizens, to use their potential political resources to the full makes it possible for them to react with unexpected vigor—by using normally unused reserves of political power and influence—whenever their vital interests are directly threatened… [Albert Hirschman. Exit, Voice and Loyalty. Chapter 3. 1970]

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Politics & government

[2257] Of internal campaigns of PKR disappoint

Being away from Malaysia, I am less attuned to its politics than I used to be. It is hard for me to follow closely all political development there, being busy with life here in Australia. Nevertheless, several events stick out and one of them is the party election of Parti Keadilan Rakyat. That election is of national interest.

While the election is an exercise that enhances democratic practice in Malaysia — not just by holding an election but by having a direct election, unlike UMNO which adopts a system similar to electoral college — the campaigns embarked by individuals and groups involved in the election has been disappointing.

The kind of campaigning I am referring to is the one, which goes like this: newcomers should not run for office. Newcomers’ experience, loyalty, or both are being questioned. Many in PKR who claim to be democrats siding with Azmin Ali are making this argument. I however believe that this kind of argument is not one that a democrat should not make too often.

This is not to dismiss concerns about loyalty and motives of newcomers, especially after a spate of defections had hit PKR. It is a problem and the party, which was a mere collection of ragtags (which, it is probably still is) needs to address it.

My fear is that if this argument is the thrust of the campaign, which seems to me it is, will create an undemocratic culture in PKR that favors the incumbents. In fact, arguments regarding inexperience can be turned against PKR as a whole. For instance, why trust PKR when there is UMNO or Barisan Nasional?

Distrust of newcomers is also problematic to PKR’s national aspiration. You cannot win national election if you distrust newcomers.

I want to see a competitive election at national level. In fact, I want new people in power. I do not think the campaign style undertaken by Azmin Ali’s camp is conducive to that realization of change.

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Politics & government Sports

[2255] Of the Commonwealth Games disaster is good for India

A friend shared his thought about the upcoming Commonwealth Games in New Delhi, which poises to be a disaster, the other day. The Economist with its typical humor wrote:

INDIAN officials insist that the Commonwealth games, to which Delhi plays host in October, should not be compared to Beijing’s Olympic games. They are right. The 2008 Olympics were a symbol of China’s emergence as a great power. The Commonwealth ones seem to be heading for disaster. [Running into the sand. The Economist. August 12 2010]

Allegations of corruption revolving around the Games are everywhere and it is likely that these allegations are true. On top of that, New Delhi is seriously behind schedule, despite the Games being just less than two weeks away.

The friend, in addition to saying that nobody cares about the Games, states that the disaster is good for India. For the longest time, India has its own way of doing things. The way the Games is developing even before it begins, it is likely to be a very public embarrassment for the country. That embarrassment might prove to be big enough for India to buck up and encourage the country to do something about the widespread corruption, and the  Indian (government’s) way in general that appears to be chaotic.