Categories
Liberty Politics & government

[945] Of Saddam Hussein’s verdict

Former President of Iraq is sentenced to death:

BAGHDAD, Iraq (AP) — Saddam Hussein was convicted and sentenced Sunday to death by hanging for war crimes in the 1982 killings of 148 people in the town of Dujail, as the former leader, trembling, shouted “God is great!”

As he, his half brother and another senior official in his regime were convicted and sentenced to hang, Saddam yelled out, “Long live the people and death to their enemies. Long live the glorious nation, and death to its enemies!”

Though a dictator he was, merciless in his reign, I feel a hint of pity for him. From my point of view, life imprisonment would suffice. A little show of mercy would have been more powerful as an example than a simple act of revenge.

Categories
Economics Environment Politics & government

[939] Of climate change and global warming are market failures

From time to time, somebody will point it out to me that libertarianism and environmentalism have opposing ideas in them. Perhaps.

I however manage to merge the two philosophies together because I understand market failure (as well as externality). The concept of market failure is what many libertarians refuse to accept despite the economics behind it. I’d be damned if I ignore market failure and call myself a graduate of economics. I reached to this conclusion when I first encountered tragedy of the commons as an economics undergraduate.

I’m a classical liberal in the sense that I’ll accept market solutions as superior to government solutions as long as market failures are absent, in most cases.

A few days ago, British economist Nicholas Stern published the Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change:

The scientific evidence is now overwhelming: climate change presents very serious global risks, and it demands an urgent global response.

This independent Review was commissioned by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, reporting to both the Chancellor and to the Prime Minister, as a contribution to assessing the evidence and building understanding of the economics of climate change.

The Review first examines the evidence on the economic impacts of climate change itself, and explores the economics of stabilising greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. The second half of the Review considers the complex policy challenges involved in managing the transition to a low-carbon economy and in ensuring that societies can adapt to the consequences of climate change that can no longer be avoided.

The Review takes an international perspective. Climate change is global in its causes and consequences, and international collective action will be critical in driving an effective, efficient and equitable response on the scale required. This response will require deeper international co-operation in many areas – most notably in creating price signals and markets for carbon, spurring technology research, development and deployment, and promoting adaptation, particularly for developing countries.

Climate change presents a unique challenge for economics: it is the greatest and widest-ranging market failure ever seen. The economic analysis must therefore be global, deal with long time horizons, have the economics of risk and uncertainty at centre stage, and examine the possibility of major, non-marginal change. To meet these requirements, the Review draws on ideas and techniques from most of the important areas of economics, including many recent advance, including many recent advances.

Climate change and global warming induced by human are forms of market failure and externality, as with many other environmental problems.

Categories
Education Politics & government

[938] Of University of Michigan is Michigan’s midterm election issue

Whether we like it or not, the affirmative action rulings that brought the University of Michigan to national political limelight not too long ago refuse to die. This time, the issue appears on the ballot in form of Proposition 2:

ANN ARBOR, Mich., Oct. 25 — Three years after the Supreme Court heard Jennifer Gratz’s challenge to the University of Michigan’s affirmative action policy, she is still fighting racial preferences, this time in a Michigan ballot initiative.

Leaflets at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor urging voters to oppose the ballot initiative.

“We have a horrible history when it comes to race in this country,” said Ms. Gratz, 29, a white applicant who was wait-listed 11 years ago at the state’s flagship campus here. “But that doesn’t make it right to give preference to the son of a black doctor at the expense of a poor student whose parents didn’t go to college.”

The ballot initiative, Proposition 2, which would amend Michigan’s Constitution to bar public institutions from considering race or sex in public education, employment or contracting, has drawn wide opposition from the state’s civic establishment, including business and labor, the Democratic governor and her Republican challenger. But polls show voters are split, with significant numbers undecided or refusing to say where they stand.

Passage would probably reinvigorate challenges to a variety of affirmative action programs in other states. In California, where a similar proposition passed in 1996, the number of black students at the elite public universities has dropped. This fall, 96 of 4,800 freshmen at the University of California, Los Angeles — 2 percent — are black, a 30-year low.

For the University of Michigan, the proposition would require broader changes than the Supreme Court did; it ruled in Ms. Gratz’s case and a companion case that while the consideration of race as part of the law school’s admissions policy was constitutional, a formula giving extra points to minority undergraduate applicants was not.

This issue seems to unite a lot of traditional foes together:

Opposition to the measure is led by One United Michigan, an unusually broad coalition that includes Gov. Jennifer M. Granholm, a Democrat, and her Republican challenger, Dick DeVos, as well as unions, churches, businesses and higher education and civil rights groups. It has raised and spent $3.3 million.

“We have the A.C.L.U. sitting with the Michigan Catholic Conference on the steering committee, which is something you don’t see very often,” said David Waymire, a coalition spokesman. “There isn’t a big Michigan voice on the other side. But it’s tough. Two years ago, the initial polling found more than two-thirds supported the proposition. The miracle is that we’ve gotten it into a winnable range.”

For those unfamiliar with the issue, University of Michigan, my alma mater, was center of debate on affirmative action. Even President Bush commented on the case, as mentioned in an entry (while reading the past entry, please note that I haven’t cemented by opinion on affirmative action in Malaysia at that time. In fact, read this too, where I was trying to take a pragmatic view). From the look of it, Michigan is still the center of debate.

The last time the battle was fought, the result was a draw at best. Wikipedia has a write up on the issue at Grutter v. Bollinger and Gratz v. Bollinger. Bollinger was the President of the University. He’s currently the President of Columbia University. While at Michigan, he was very popular with the students.

Categories
Economics Liberty Politics & government

[935] Of Greg Mankiw is a libertarian!

I first became familiar with Professor Gregory Mankiw while I was at Michigan. I and many other economist wannabe at Michigan used his book during our macroeconomics classes. He of course became publicly prominent when he served the Council of Economic Advisers. He became more prominent (well, infamous really but that depends on your point of view; really, the point of view of most Americans at that time was increasingly protectionist) when he expressed support for outsourcing. In Friedman’s The World is Flat:

During the 2004 election campaign we saw the Democrats debating whether NAFTA was a good idea and the Bush White House putting duct tape over the mouth of N. Gregory Mankiw, the chairman of the White House Council of Economic Advisers, and stashing him away in Dick Cheney’s basement, because Mankiw, author of a popular college economics textbook, had dared to speak approvingly of outsourcing as just the “latest manifestation of the gains from trade that economists have talked about at least since Adam Smith.”

Mankiw’s statement triggered a competition for who could say the most ridiculous thing in response. The winner was speaker of the house Dennis Hastert, who said that Mankiw’s “theory fails a basic test of real economics.” And what test was that, Dennis? Poor Mankiw was barely heard from again.

Also, the Big Mac controversy.

When I first found out that Prof. Mankiw blogs, I became his regular reader.

Last Friday, I asked him are you a libertarian. The next day, he answered yes.

Sweet.

Categories
Liberty Politics & government Society

[931] Of “saya bukan Islam Liberal”

Jogging around the local blogosphere, I suppose me and a few other bloggers have been placed by local religious conservative bloggers within the Liberal Islam philosophical school. Though I had no qualm with it initially, I started to rethink whether that label fits me; it doesn’t.

Though these conservative Muslims have attacked the school, I had unwittingly tried to defend it despite the fact that I’m not actually in the latter group. In some cases, some conservatives attacked me on the false assumption that I’m part of Liberal Islam. My uncalculated effort to defend such philosophy hasn’t helped me in dispelling the assumption that I’m part of that loose liberal group.

In time, I’ve recognized such defense was more of a knee jerk reaction on my behalf. So, I had taken a step back and reassessed the situation. This entry will clarify some of my political stances that are relevant to the issue and explain why I don’t subscribe to Liberal Islam philosophy.

First of all, I’m a libertarian. A libertarian is a very specific branch of liberalism. It advocates that individuals should be free to do whatever they wish with their person or property, as long as they do not infringe on the same liberty of others. In short, it calls for freedom as well as respect for freedom. Libertarianism influences all aspects of my life; from economic to social beliefs. Environmentalism also influences me but that’s irrelevant to the objective of this entry.

Being a libertarian and generally a liberal, the call for free speech, etc. comes only naturally. Part of that is freedom of religion. All these are individual rights. Libertarian itself sees individual as the basic unit of a society. These rights are essential components of libertarianism. Without these rights, one’s freedom might mean less freedom for others. I’d call libertarianism as equitable freedom.

In liberalism, the state is established by its citizens to protect the citizens and their rights. The state is there to make sure those rights are not compromised by others — be it by a citizen upon another citizen or a downright infringement of sovereignty by a foreign force. Theoretically, the state is there to provide equal protect to all, hence a fair state. In a nutshell, libertarianism distributes freedom to all equally.

In one way, this grants incredible power to the state that — if it wishes to do so — it could not only not protect its citizens that established the government in the first place, the state could infringe the rights of the citizens. Hence, the question, “who will guard the guardian?”

Democracy is designed to force the state to be accountable to its citizens. It’s the guard that guards the elected guardians. Democracy unfortunately introduces tyranny of the majority. It allows the majority to infringe on the minority’s individual rights which occurs in many places, including Malaysia, France, Turkey and the United States of America. A properly written constitution might provide some safeguard against such tyranny. Alas, the constitution itself is at the mercy of the majority. This is something that still needs to be thought out soon.

Whatever needs to be thought out, apart from rationalism and empiricism, it’s the tyranny of the majority that makes me embraces secularism. Secularism helps forestall such tyranny. It’s one step towards an impartial government.

Secularism forces the state to not favor any religion at the expense of others. The state is responsible to its citizens, not to any particular group within the society. Secularism coupled with a liberal democratic system is fertile ground for a multicultural society like Malaysia.

As a secularist and a liberal, I rarely find myself talking from religious perspective. In fact, whenever I express myself in matter related to religion, it’s because the followers of religion — may it be Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, etc. — are infringing on individual rights. An example is the enforcement of moral policing which violates common people’s privacy.

Though I’m a Muslim, I take religion as something personal. Add that on top of the libertarian-ness in me, I won’t allow others to regulate my religion or belief as long as I don’t infringe on others’ rights. I don’t mind advice but decisions on my life are mine to take and I can do whatever I like, as long as such action doesn’t affect others.

I don’t see the world through religious prism. Instead, reasons appeal to me. That explains why sometimes I’m hostile towards religious conservatives — regardless of religion — which rarely provide rationality.

Proof to this is that, while I’m philosophically hostile to conservative Muslims, I’m not fond of Christian, Hindu or Jewish zealots either. That’s why I’ve issues the Republicans Party. If it hadn’t been from the religious conservatives, part of me would probably prefer the GOP to the Democrats in the US.

In the final analysis, while a liberal, I’m not part of Liberal Islam philosophy. I’m just a liberal with a strong sense of rationalism and empiricism. I’m a humanist. Suffice to say, the concept of divine rights needs to be rationalized before it becomes rationale.

The school of Liberal Islam may share some of the schools of thought that I subscribe to, but I don’t use religion to advance liberalism. I don’t use religion to justify a lot of things; I use reasons instead. That’s why I’m not a Liberal Islam. The fact that I’m a liberal and a Muslim by birth doesn’t make me a subscriber to Liberal Islam.