Categories
Liberty Pop culture

[1928] Of rewatching Casablanca

This is my favorite scene.

[youtube]_iYbEPZVVIA[/youtube]

Understanding the words to La Marseillaise is important in fully appreciating the scene.

Categories
Liberty

[1923] Of Ambiga makes us proud!

PETALING JAYA: Bar Council president Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan, who was honoured by the United States for her advocacy of women’s and human rights, hopes her experiences will inspire others, especially Malaysian women.

Her courage and leadership garnered her the prestigious Secretary of State’s International Women of Courage 2009 award in conjunction with International Women’s Day. [US honour for Ambiga. The Star. March 13 2009]

More:

Our final speaker, Ambiga Sreenevasan, has a remarkable record of accomplishment in Malaysia. She has pursued judicial reform and good governance, she has stood up for religious tolerance, and she has been a resolute advocate of women’s equality and their full political participation. She is someone who is not only working in her own country, but whose influence is felt beyond the borders of Malaysia. And it is a great honor to recognize her and invite her to the podium. [2009 International Women of Courage Awards. Hillary Clinton. US Department of State. March 11 2009]

More at the Dipnote, the blog of the US Department of State.

Categories
Liberty Politics & government Society

[1917] Of revisiting the roles of government and other matters

Friend Ho Yi Jian[1] currently at the National University of Singapore asks several questions pertaining libertarianism. One question asks what many have asked: how small is a small government? The second question is about wealth inequality. Third, is there a way to overcome speculation associated with the operations of free market?

Let us explore the three questions one at a time.

The hardest question is the first. How small — or big — should a small government be?

There is no objective way of measuring the size of government but there are principles. In no way however these principles are universally adopted throughout the schools of libertarianism.

In the famed Monty Python’s The Life of Brian, Judeans were against Roman rule and there were multiple resistance groups. They however just could not agree with each other. In the classic comedy, the Judean People’s Front and the People’s Front of Judea seemed to hate each other more than the Romans though both groups shared a common goal of ridding Judea of Roman presence. The same is applicable for libertarianism.

Different strains of libertarianism have their own idiosyncrasies which one libertarian may disagree with each other. I therefore cannot provide an answer to represent all libertarianisms. But I can present my version of libertarianism and that is green libertarianism. This is the green-blue alliance that is probably currently seen in form of the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom under the exciting David Cameron.

In this kind of libertarianism, the purpose of the state defines the boundary and hence size of the state. The purpose in my libertarianism — with regards to this particular purpose — is uncontroversial in common libertarian circle because it is the universal truth in libertarianism. The first and foremost purpose of the state is the protection of individual negative liberty. This is further enhanced with rights egalitarianism: all are granted the same negative rights as long as the person respects others’ same rights.

As first formally rationalized by Isaiah Berlin, negative liberty is the freedom from interference. This definitely includes protection from coercion and fraud. This freedom is mostly bounded by the non-aggression axiom.

Sidetracking, the non-aggression axiom does not eliminate force as an option. It merely prevents libertarian from initiating force. If coercion was initiated by the other, then by all means pick up your arms and fight. The state motto of New Hampshire describes it all: live free or die.

I would like to think I am a Friedman libertarian to a certain extent. This is mostly because while preferring for a small government which at the very least defined by protection of individual negative rights and non-aggression axiom, the government has a crucial role in education. A liberal society as in libertarian society requires an educated society and education is the sculpture of society. Without education, individuals would not be empowered to take destiny into their hands and that would bring the downfall of a liberal society. Its importance can never be overemphasized in sustaining a liberal society.

While we are at it, allow me to answer Jed Yoong’s question posed much earlier[2] and answer Yi Jian’s second question too.

Before we begin, it is crucial to point out of problematic label liberalism as utilized by Jed. It is problematic because of the inconsistency of her usage of the word, which is probably due to her unfamiliarity with US politics. The title of her entry betrays that fact. She carelessly uses liberalism to describe the free market sort by including me and John Lee[3] as adherents of liberalism in the same line as the US liberals — more accurately the Democrats. This is a misuse of label because in US tradition, the liberals are the social democrats and I am definitely not a social democrat. Admittedly, libertarians in the classical liberalism sense may support the Democrats but that is due to employment of pragmatism and nothing more.

Under the flawed definition, she asked, how egalitarian will your (here, I take it as me. Others can answer that question for themselves; the two other names mentioned were John Lee and Nik Nazmi) NEP-free Malaysia truly be?

A loaded question with flawed assumption is hard to answer. She fails to understand the libertarians are not quite concerned with wealth egalitarianism. Instead, libertarians are firm believers of rights egalitarianism. Libertarians are not supportive of and oppose to any effort at achieving equality of outcome.

This is why libertarians or classical liberals are the great philosophical enemies of communists and socialists.

The question of endowment does disturb me however. Here, my concern is poverty and not wealth inequality.

In my opinion, poverty has greater propensity to create instability than wealth inequality. Proof: supposedly equal communist state always without fail, fail. Less communistic and socialist state and more capitalist countries have proven to outlast communist state, so far. But of course, there is no absolute capitalist state in the world at the moment. What are there are states on a spectrum sitting close to capitalistic end, vis-à-vis the other end in a simple two dimensional spectrum.

Take note of my concern for poverty. I hold that poverty is the problem, not wealth inequality. I also hold that a lot of people accidentally mixed the two concepts together without realizing it because the two concepts are similar on the surface. Below the skin, the difference cannot be missed.

It is that endowment question, or if your will, the question of poverty, that led me to rationalize the need for government’s active role in education. It is education that is capable of breaking the cycle of poverty, the great machine which provides equality of opportunities. Education may also create a more wealth egalitarian society, but only as a side effect, not as an expressed goal.

But if — and that is a damn big if — affirmative action is a must, I prefer it to be inclusive, not exclusive, need-conscious affirmative action.

Coming back to the first question, one final factor in defining the size of government is market failure. While market is the superior form of social technology in its class — and definitely far more superior than socialism — it does suffer weakness and that is market failure. Many libertarians, especially the minarchists of minarchist somehow choose to ignore this but market failure presents both theoretical and practical problems.

It is important to define market failure, lest others misconstrue losses caused by corrections made by the market for bad decisions made by actors as market failure. Bad decisions made by actors are actors’ failure, not market’s. This is applicable to bubble bursting, from tulips, to dot com, to housing. In those cases, the market is merely turning around and saying, hey, you made a mistake and you have to pay for it.

Market failure here is in the line of tragedy of the commons. The problems associated with pollution and harvesting of public goods in situations where there is consistent and systemic divergence of social and private costs called externality, especially negative externality are market failure. In this, the government has a role to narrow wide gap between social and private cost. This can happen through introduction of Pigovian taxes — of special interest is the informal Pigovian Club founded by economist Greg Mankiw — or issuance of permits.

Finally, the third question: speculation is a problem, what can we do about it? Here, he qualifies speculation as over-speculation.

In answering the question, I would like to begin from the top. Is speculation a problem?

The question, much like Jed’s question of egalitarianism, is loaded. I do not accept that speculation is a problem. What I consider as a problem is incomplete information or more accurately, asymmetric information. It is especially so when it is associated with fraud. Does the government have a role to play in that?

Yes. Refer back to the first purpose of government: protection of individual negative rights.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — [Labour Politics, Libertarianism and Business Cycles. Thoughtstreak II.V. March 6 2009]

[2] — [Liberalism In America + Malaysia, 1968 vs 2008 Jed Yoong. January 3 2009]

[3] — John Lee blogs at Infernal Ramblings of a Thoughtless Mind.

Categories
Liberty

[1916] Of freedom of movement in Gaza

I saw this on CNN earlier. The video is called Closed Zone.

[youtube]Hzqw7oBZT8k[/youtube]

The video was commissioned by Gisha, a human right group in Israel.

Categories
Liberty Society

[1915] Of free press is fair press

Ownership of the press by political parties is a contentious issue especially among urban and educated section of Malaysian society. Underlying the debate of ownership is a desire for objective press. The concern is understandable: it is quite reasonable to expect the press to exhibit political — sometimes rabid — bias if it is owned by political parties. While I do consider excessively biased content as angering, I do not believe the question of press ownership should be a call to legislate it. Rather, a far more important issue at hand is freedom of the press.

I am quite unsupportive of effort to bar political parties or any entity for that matter from owning the press, be the press falls under the mainstream media category or in other less formal groupings because such action clearly violates a person or an entity’s right to property, one of several concepts central to the idea of liberty.

I hold liberty sacred. Hence, I am unprepared to trample upon liberty for the sake of giving birth to an objective press, as much as I am unprepared to kill a person merely because the other person holds views that I consider as unpalatable.

Objectivity nevertheless is a noble idea to adhere to, especially for those active in the field of journalism. Honest journalists must reports an event without value judgment and as it is with equal weight to the subjects mentioned. Yet, even those who place the ideal of objectivity on the highest pedestal suffer from biases.

Why?

Each and every one of us is a victim of history. Our experience shapes our perception of the world. Our values, however fluid it may be, arise from our perception and we live our lives by our values. By this alone, none of us can truly be neutral in living our lives. Even when a person dedicates himself to neutrality, hidden beneath it all is a subtle hint of bias. Unless somehow we are able to make decisions without falling back to our experience, to be truly neutral is an impossible act to commit in my humble opinion, especially in an environment of diverse values.

Compounding the impossibility of neutrality is perhaps the possible diverse definitions of objectivity and neutrality that exist. Absolute neutrality will require the definition of the very idea to be synchronized across differences of values.

To make it worse, it cannot be denied that there are those who cry for neutrality and objectivity only when it suits them. To these individuals, the only neutral views are views which conform to theirs. Effort to synchronize their definition will prove problematic.

The inherent bias that we all maintain deep inside ourselves is exactly the reason why the act of barring political parties from owning part of the media does little to create objective press. Even without having connection to any political party, editors and reporters the world over are capable of holding personal views. These views could sway to any direction without any encouragement from their employers, whomever that may be.

I confess however that while absolute neutrality is impossible, a society or groups within the society with some shared values does acknowledge a certain level of acceptable objectivity. Any entity that works at that level will escape the accusation of being impartial within local context.

Objective or not, expressing biased views, however distasteful these may be, is part of freedom of expression. To coercively prevent an entity from expressing his, her or its biases is a transgression of free speech and expression. Such transgression is plainly wrong. To coercively prevent the same entity from utilizing his, her or its property to express the biases is a transgression of right to property. Such transgression is doubly wrong from libertarian point of view.

For those who are truly concerned with the objectivity of the press, there is a better way to resolve the issue. The solution involves not the suppression of liberty but rather, the enhancement of liberty. It revolves around the idea of competition of sources.

If there truly is demand for objective press however impossible the idea of absolute neutrality is, then the practice of free press will work to satisfy that demand without relieving anybody from their rights.

The market will correct the situation, if there is demand. Those concerned with objectivity of the press have to be mindful that grossly and consistently impartial and unfair press will quickly lose credibility. To a large extent, the mainstream media closely associated with Barisan Nasional, especially Utusan Malaysia, Berita Harian and New Straits Times did suffer credibility loss when they clearly were not objective and at times printing questionable materials without facts. They have yet to recover whatever credibility they had in the past.

In place of these channels, other less-than-mainstream media have taken over roles of the traditional players as sources of public information, with many actively and continuously successfully challenging the truthfulness of information originating from the so-called mainstream media.

With this cognizance, for an aspiring liberal society, the quest for objectivity should be pursued as part of a larger quest for liberty. What is required instead is a consistent demand to unravel the unholy shackles placed around all forms of press. The issuance of licenses for printed press should be liberalized, book banning should be outlawed and efforts at censorship backed with coercion should be fought against; all that and more in the name of competition of sources.

If objectivity is of value to most, then just like in mechanism of free market, competition is the most efficient manner of bringing objectivity up front in the open above the noise of biases and propagandist shouting matches.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on March 3 2009.