Categories
Economics

[2384] Innovation is not for African countries

The following illustrates the GDP per capita of countries attending the Langkawi International Dialogue. Seychelles has been left out because it is an outlier and it is messing up the graph.

The next graph shows the human development index of the same countries with the exception of Tanzania (the omission is purely a matter of aesthetic). Seychelles has been left out because there is no data for the small island state. Out of this set of countries, Malaysia is the only country classified within the “high human development” group.

What is the point of these two graphs?

One will quickly see the difference between Malaysian and these countries. What I am driving at is that Malaysia and these countries are essentially at two different stages of economic development. To put it bluntly, these African countries are behind the curve (with the possible exception of Botswana).

With that, the optimal economic policy at encouraging economic growth for the two groups are likely to be different. If there are overlaps, the overlaps are likely to be limited.

I am posting this because several Malaysian media have reported the Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak stating in his speech at the Langkawi International Dialogue that innovation is the key to growth.[1][1a] The audience? Leaders and delegates of the listed African countries.[2]

It was not that best of all messages. Why?

Innovation-based economy is just not for the African countries attending the Langkawi pow-wow.

The actual act of innovation is really more relevant to countries sitting close to the technology frontier. While Malaysia is not at the frontier like how the United States and other advanced countries are, Malaysia is definitely closer to it than the Africans. That means innovation does have a role to play in the economic growth of Malaysia, and increasingly so given where Malaysia is on its developmental curve.

To paraphrase the idea, the farther a country is from the frontier hence the less developed a country is, the less relevant innovation should be to its economic policy.

What is more relevant for least developed countries is learning by imitation.

This does not mean any innovation is unwelcome in these African states. Innovation is certainly good but to engage actively it as part of government policy is likely to be an expensive exercise when compared to the imitation path. This is an important point because many of these African countries are not exactly rich. One has to be close to the technology frontier to innovate in a big way so that innovation becomes the engine of growth. For the African countries, they have a lot of ground to cover.

Really, there are other basic issues requiring attention first, like water and electricity coverage. It is not absurd to pour billions into innovation-based activities while basic infrastructure is missing?

The countries have to prioritize their resources and imitation is the more cost-effective developmental path compared to innovation policy set.

The imitation path may not be sexy but it has proven to work. Look no farther than the four Asian Tigers, namely Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. In fact, look at the experience of Malaysia for the most part of the 1980s and the 1990s. There were some innovations, but it was mostly about copying foreign technology and diffusing the relevant technology to the masses. Economist Paul Krugman famously wrote it was all about perspiration, not inspiration.[3]

Even more relevant for these African countries are something more basic than innovation. It is simply capital accumulation and good institutions. In the orthodox growth model, it is assumed that savings are automatically translated into investment in productive activities that increase production and wealth. This is an overly optimistic view of human behavior. There are friction between savings and investment and that could be corruption. Looking at the records of a majority of these African countries, corruption is a big issue. In the case of Zimbabwe, it is simply gross mismanagement of the economy.

If I were the keynote speaker instead of the PM, I would have asked these African countries to learn the Malaysian lesson of the 1980s and the 1990s, the one which was about capital accumulation and good institutions instead of innovation.

To be fair, the PM did mention about the application of technology (I would like to criticize the “appropriate technology” approach but I will reserve for another day) and good institutions. But that does not make the innovation suggestion any less wrong.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

[1] — PUTRAJAYA, June 19 (Bernama) — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak has called on African and Caribbean nations to embrace innovation as a key priority to achieve a competitive edge globally and take their economies to new heights. [Mikhail Raj Abdullah. Embrace Innovation to Score High in Global Business Rankings – Najib. Bernama. June 19 2011]

[1a] — 16. A term often associated with advanced economies these days is innovation. Countries that make innovation a priority have achieved a competitive edge over others, with countries like Korea and Taiwan who have invested heavily in this field succeeding in taking their economies to new heights.

17. There is no doubt that countries with knowledge and innovation-based economies score high in international business rankings. For example, Scandinavian countries with small populations still have among the highest per capita incomes in the world. Innovation, specialisation and internationalisation of their large-scale research facilities have helped them overcome the small size of their domestic economies. [Najib Razak. LID 2011 Keynote Address. June 19 2011]

[2] — See LIST OF COUNTRIES ATTENDING LID 2011. Bernama via Yahoo! News Malaysia. June 17 2011

[3] — Consider, in particular, the case of Singapore. Between 1966 and 1990, the Singaporean economy grew a remarkable 8.5 percent per annum, three times as fast as the United States; per capita income grew at a 6.6 percent rate, roughly doubling every decade. This achievement seems to be a kind of economic miracle. But the miracle turns out to have been based on perspiration rather than inspiration: Singapore grew through a mobilization of resources that would have done Stalin proud. The employed share of the population surged from 27 to 51 percent. The educational standards of that work force were dramatically upgraded: while in 1966 more than half the workers had no formal education at all, by 1990 two-thirds had completed secondary education. Above all, the country had made an awesome investment in physical capital: investment as a share of output rose from 11 to more than 40 percent.

Even without going through the formal exercise of growth accounting, these numbers should make it obvious that Singapore’s growth has been based largely on one-time changes in behavior that cannot be repeated. Over the past generation the percentage of people employed has almost doubled; it cannot double again. A half-educated work force has been replaced by one in which the bulk of workers has high school diplomas; it is unlikely that a generation from now most Singaporeans will have Ph.D’s. And an investment share of 40 percent is amazingly high by any standard; a share of 7O percent would be ridiculous. So one can immediately conclude that Singapore is unlikely to achieve future growth rates comparable to those of the past.

But it is only when one actually does the quantitative accounting that the astonishing result emerges: all of Singapore’s growth can be explained by increases in measured inputs. There is no sign at all of increased efficiency. In this sense, the growth of Lee Kuan Yew’s Singapore is an economic twin of the growth of Stalin’s Soviet Union growth achieved purely through mobilization of resources. Of course, Singapore today is far more prosperous than the U.S.S.R. ever was–even at its peak in the Brezhnev years–because Singapore is closer to, though still below, the efficiency of Western economies. The point, however, is that Singapore’s economy has always been relatively efficient; it just used to be starved of capital and educated workers. [Paul Krugman. The Myth of Asia’s Miracle. Foreign Affairs. November 1994]

Categories
Economics WDYT

[2383] Do you support the merger?

Do you support the possible RHB-CIMB/Maybank merger?

  • Yes (15%, 6 Votes)
  • No (73%, 30 Votes)
  • Undecided (12%, 5 Votes)

Total Voters: 41

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Background: Rivals CIMB and Maybank are racing against each other to merge (takeover?) with RHB. It is a high-stake game. The winner will have a significantly increased regional profile.

At the same time, a current shareholder of RHB, Abu Dhabi Commercial Bank (ADCB) is selling its stake to its sister’s company Aabar Investments. Both the ADCB and Aabar Investments are owned by the government of Abu Dhabi.

Something fishy is going on with that sale, especially when such transaction is being done knowing that CIMB and Maybank are in competition to merge with RHB. Maybe the government Abu Dhabi is artificially pushing the value of RHB up. It is bad sport but they cannot really be blamed for that.

Reacting to that, the Bank Negara has told RHB that the transaction price between ADCB and Aabar should not affect the prices to be offered by CIMB and Maybank. A truly “what the hell” moment from the Bank Negara. If the transaction between ADCB and Aabar is fishy, the Bank Negara’s involvement is a complete dung.

Initially, I was neutral with the merger, despite knowing that a successful transaction between RHB and CIMB or Maybank would create a giant government-linked company.

With the Bank Negara’s latest position, I am moving towards the opposition camp. I am waiting for somebody to have the balls to flick to the bird to CIMB, Maybank, Khazanah Nasional, Permodalan Nasional Berhad, the Bank Negara and the government of Malaysia.

Oh, you should really try to form your own opinion before voting.  Sorry for about trying to affect your opinion. Naughty me (but hey, this is a libertarian blog. The default opinion is likely to be obvious).

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2375] Reducing the political cost of liberalization

A price-control mechanism has its economic cost, on top of that associated with the current subsidy regime in place in Malaysia. There are also some political costs to the control. In tight times when commodities are becoming dearer, any government that dares to reset retail prices upwards invites public wrath.

There was talk of an early general election, but the rumor machines now suggest that the election will be held only later. The Barisan Nasional-led federal government needs room to maneuver before renewing its mandate.

The prime minister is under pressure to seek a mandate of his own. One has to remember that Najib Razak is running on the 2008 mandate secured by the highly unpopular Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Not only that, the prime minister also needs Barisan Nasional to do better than it did in the last general election. He must get the two-thirds majority in Parliament to prove that his government is better than the one led by his predecessor.

That is one of the ways the political cost matters. The political cost can affect cold but rational economic calculations. This is especially relevant for those whose conviction is measured by their appetite for adventure, or lack of adventure rather. That makes it important to reduce the political cost of liberalization lest the liberalization agenda, however disappointingly incomplete it is in its current form, be left high and dry.

The local political cost that exists is unfortunate because global economic reality largely ignores local political reality. In many cases, the increase in retail prices is inevitable amid rising world prices of various commodities.

The factors fuelling the hike are real: growing population, growing affluence and therefore growing demand. That is the current long-term trend. Mere business cycles neither erase nor change long-term trends by much.

There are some institutional issues affecting local retail prices as well. Without hurting the trustworthiness of the government, these problems have to be solved.

Liberalize the market instead of granting monopoly power to specific firms. Make the market open instead of having deals made in the shadows. Stop signing contracts that are grossly lopsided at the expense of public money. All that can lessen the degree of the hikes in the long run.

Yet, local issues just like short-term fluctuations are unlikely to drown out long-term trends. Until new technology, new culture and new alternatives prevail over old ones — or if total world population drops — prices will generally go up to clear the markets.

Because of the dissonance between local political and global economic realities, the political cost should be reduced so that both run parallel to each other. The political cost is a disincentive to good economic policy.

Democracy coupled with entitlement culture is a recipe for irresponsible populism. This is especially true for the fuel subsidy regime where the subsidy fixes the price ceiling and in effect subsidizes everything between retail prices and world prices. Under this arrangement, the government risks hypothetically unlimited expenditure. The higher the world prices, the larger the subsidy bill.

So, how does one reduce the political cost?

The government can stop being the fall guy. To do so, the government needs to stop managing prices. Relax the control. Let prices float. Let the market take charge instead. Let those closest to the ground — the actual buyers and sellers — determine the prices.

Using the fuel subsidy as an example, the relaxation can exist together with fixed per unit subsidy regime rather than the current unfixed per unit subsidy. In this way, the subsidy burden shouldered by the government will remain constant given a consumption level. Any increase or decrease in retail prices will be due to market forces only.

This particular arrangement will reduce the political cost faced by a liberalizing government by making the link between prices and primary market participants clearer. Prices will no longer be linked to the government. With the government out of the way, then perhaps the government will receive less flak.

The question of subsidy reduction itself will not even surface because increase in world prices will not increase the subsidy bill given the level of consumption. Indeed, a typical model will suggest that an increase in world prices might actually decrease the total subsidy bill due to decreased consumption.

In the end with less flak, perhaps the liberalization agenda can go farther down the road without unnecessary undue erosion of political capital.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on June 2 2011.

Categories
Economics Politics & government

[2373] Speak plainly about the price hikes

Subsidy reduction has its pros and cons, even as on the net in the long run, it is beneficial to the economy as a whole. There is no need to soften the negative aspects by putting them in a little colorful box with ribbon on top.

The series of subsidy reduction leads to price hike and in the immediate time frame, it is burdensome. It is painful. With all the lags that exist, it is an intertemporal problem. The pain comes early, the benefits come only later.

A price hike is a price hike. It hurts in one way or another. Nobody likes to pay more no matter how small the increase is, even if the increase is justified. I myself do grudge a little about having to pay more than I used to, despite largely supportive of the subsidy reduction initiative, or some call it as the rationalization program in the spirit of euphemism.

Yet, we have apparatchiks and their agents writing and suggesting that the series of price hikes currently undertaken by the Najib administration will not burden the consumers.

These consumers are not kids. They are not kids visiting the family doctor, about to face the needle. The story of how the needle only stings like an ant is not for the mature audience.

Instead of trying to convince these consumers that the pain they feel is an illusion, those in the government and their supporters should really stick to the plainly true traditional rationale: it is wasteful. It is inefficient. It is distortionary.

Break the message down to bits and pieces that laypersons can understand (What we have instead is that these messengers misunderstand those very economic concepts themselves! They use big economic jargons without understanding the basic concepts. And these people fancy themselves as the economic planners of the country. Pfft!).

Just speak plainly.

I think the majority will appreciate it, even if it angers them.

To manipulate words and then say things that the consumers can affirmatively see, feel and conclusively disprove will compound the anger. I mean, something must have gone absolutely wrong when I, a supporter of liberalization, become angry reading these manipulated messages in the media.

Worst, these untruths will only erode any support for liberalization. These apparatchiks will have themselves to blame when everything fails.

Categories
Economics

[2368] Subsidy is not the only thing

Subsidy reduction will allow market forces to allocate resources more efficiently. Prime Minister Najib Razak was reported saying so recently to justify his administration’s commitment to subsidy reduction in the long run. By doing so, the Najib administration claims to be an advocate of free market. A claim that is not necessarily true, however. At best, that claim reveals a selective belief in the free market.

The truth is that market forces are restricted not only through price mechanism. The restriction also comes in form of quantity control, among others. This is especially relevant in Malaysia where the government has introduced various regulations and institutions to control the price and supply of various items. Among those items are flour, diesel and sugar.

In fact, the government has wide discretionary power over this matter. Proof: the new Price Control and Anti-Profiteering Act grants the government the power to fix the price of any goods and services in the country. Yes, that is any goods and services. The net has been cast widely.

Despite the various channels where market forces are prevented from distributing resources efficiently, for some reason the price mechanism is receiving all the attention while the quantity side remains relatively untouched. As an example, look no further than the domestic sugar industry.

The government recently reduced sugar subsidy and effectively raised the retail price of sugar. All the liberal benefits of reduction have been thrown out in the open: fiscal deficit reduction, efficient resource allocation, investment over consumption, etc. You just need to name it.

At the same time and less discussed is the existence of the illiberal import quota system. The government through a quota system controls the importation of sugar. The government also grants the quotas only to several refineries ultimately owned by Felda and Tradewinds, which themselves are closely connected with each other.

It is not an understatement that the two companies control the sugar industry with a clear government sanction. As a side note, it will be interesting to see how the two companies will be subjected — if ever — to the new Competition Act, which has a highly questionable purpose.

If the government gets one point for liberalization due to subsidy reduction, then the government must lose a point from the import quota policy. Given how the import quota policy has created two related monopolistic companies — one being the favored entrepreneur of the government of the day and the other being a government-linked company — and that prices are controlled, the government must lose more than a point.

However one wants to keep the score, the inevitable conclusion is that this liberalization done through subsidy reduction is merely a half-hearted liberalization.

Whatever market forces are mentioned to justify the reduction in subsidy, it is stated insincerely. The liberal argument is just something convenient that the administration grabbed out of the air just because it fits its agenda of day. When one does not derive an argument from the first principle, one cannot expect anything less than inconsistency; the Gods of Inconsistency are staring straight into the eyes of the Najib administration.

The government can prove its credential as an honest advocate by deriving its policy from the first principle. That is, the whole industry must be liberalized. The removal of subsidy and price control must happen together with the loosening of the import quota system.

This goes not just for the sugar industry, but also for the relevant others.

It is only then that the prime minister can state that subsidy reduction will enable market forces to allocate resources more efficiently with a clear conscience.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published in The Malaysian Insider on May 23 2011.