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Economics

[1797] Of good intention is not good enough

Long ago as a boy so liberated from cares, I was on my way back home from school. Along the way, I saw a kitten looking so forlornly in a bush with a face so miserable as if she was in need of help. Without much thought, I took her home with the intention of nourishing her. Once home however, she refused to consume anything provided to her and went on to die only days later. Her death shattered my heart into pieces. In retrospect, she may not have required any saving. What she probably needed was her mother more than anything else. It was very likely that her mother was scouring for food somewhere, leaving the kitten temporarily behind. In most likelihood, despite my good intention, I separated the kitten from her mother and consequently, I killed her.

I am sure that my experience is not unique. How many of us had the good intention of giving up our seat in a train to someone whom seemed to be a pregnant lady only later to learn that she was not in the most embarrassing manner? How many of us began with good intention but ended up worse off?

Many of the policies aimed at enhancing welfare of the people began with good intention. As noble as it sounds, good intention is not always a good measure for a good policy.

If we are to derive only one lesson from economics, it has to be that individuals respond to incentives. Here is where the importance of price as a signal must not be understated. Any policy which does not take heed of this lesson is doomed to failure sooner or later and we have a long history of communism to prove that. The success of a policy depends on policymakers’ comprehension of that lesson.

Behind the Malaysian fuel subsidy policy stands a compassionate desire to alleviate the burden of the people. While many are swayed by this point, the policy distorts prices in the market and consequently affects behavior of producers and consumers for the worse.

In times of high prices under free market arrangement, conservation and investment in new technology as well as its widespread application should be the order of the day. In doing so, most actors would have adapted to the prevailing environment. In contrast, a subsidy policy — interventionist policy — isolates consumers and producers from the reality outside; it artificially lowers energy prices. State interference through the policy only garbles the signal that would otherwise call for a more measured consumption path. As a result, there is little need to adapt to a new reality.

For instance, a greater need for better public transportation is only immediately apparent when fuel prices are high. It makes no sense for anybody to utilize any kind of public transportation when driving a vehicle does not burn a hole in our pockets, with all else being equal. Likewise for carpooling; no amount of funky advertisements commissioned by the state could match the effectiveness of dearer fuel price in encouraging carpooling. So too goes with the need for greater fuel efficiency.

Furthermore, if one cares for the environment, the case for freer market is undeniably strong. Within the context of climate change, Malaysia has the honor of having the highest growth rate of carbon emissions in the world since the 1990 and without doubt, artificially low fuel prices made possible through state intervention has a lot to do with that. A refrain by the state from interfering in the workings of the market could go a long way in humbling our ugly but spectacular record.

Most of all, the downside this particular state intervention in the marketplace in the form of fuel subsidy policy is the weight well-intentioned electorates, bureaucrats and politicians placed on short-term gains at the expense of long term and structural improvement of our society. A freer market will recalibrate our carrot and stick model to be more forward looking instead of being one of instant gratification.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

First published by Malaysia Think Tank’s WauBebas.

Categories
Economics

[1794] Of Intrade for Malaysian politics?

Intrade is gaining reputation for predicting the future. At its center is the idea that prices reflect all available information.

Wouldn’t it be good to have Intrade for Malaysia?

Categories
Economics Sports

[1793] Of Fortis sponsors Feyenoord

Now I know why Fortis sounds so familiar.

Categories
Economics Liberty Politics & government

[1791] Of popular capitalism is nothing less than a crusade

Margaret Thatcher speaking at the Conservative Party Conference in 1986:

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This Government has rolled back the frontiers of the State, and will roll them back still further.

So popular is our policy that it’s being taken up all over the world.

From France to the Phillipines, from Jamaica to Japan, from Malaysia to Mexico, from Sri Lanka to Singapore, privatisation is on the move, there’s even a special oriental version in China.

The policies we have pioneered are catching on in country after country.

We Conservatives believe in popular capitalism—believe in a property-owning democracy.

And it works!

In Scotland recently, I was present at the sale of the millionth council house: to a lovely family with two children, who can at last call their home their own.

Now let’s go for the second million!

And what’s more, millions have already become shareholders.

And soon there will be opportunities for millions more, in British Gas, British Airways, British Airports and Rolls-Royce.

Who says we’ve run out of steam.

We’re in our prime!

The great political reform of the last century was to enable more and more people to have a vote.

Now the great Tory reform of this century is to enable more and more people to own property.

Popular capitalism is nothing less than a crusade to enfranchise the many in the economic life of the nation.

We Conservatives are returning power to the people.

That is the way to one nation, one people.

Categories
Economics

[1787] Of do not blame free market capitalism too fast

Unlike in the realm of physical sciences, one of the most frustrating aspects of economics is its dependency on natural experiments. Far too many hypotheses cannot be tested in sleek laboratories. As a direct result, it may take some time before anyone can comfortably pinpoint the causes of the unraveling financial crisis across the Pacific Ocean.

Yet, hunting season for a scapegoat has begun as the US government unveils the largest plan to intervene in the market since the Great Depression of the 1930s. Sweeping premature conclusions are fast becoming the preferred way of answering questions while scientific methods are thrown out of the window at a terrifying rate; centuries of scientific progress has come to naught.

As some observe the crisis with the valiant intention of pushing the boundary of ignorance outwards to populate the libraries of the world, statists have wasted no time in scapegoating and making sweeping premature conclusions. Their scapegoat: free market capitalism. Their conclusion: greater government intervention in the market.

An honest observer would recognize the fact that candidates for the cause or causes of the crisis cut beyond the rigidity of ideologies and this is where statists find themselves in trouble. While the story revolving the sub-prime mortgage crisis and the current financial crisis may have to do with lack of regulation in the proper place, two major potential causes of the crisis originated from government interventions. The two are bailouts of the past and low interest rates set by the state.

In comprehending how the two factors contributed to the whole fiasco, context is essential and it requires us to go as far back in time as the 1980s, back when another crisis was haunting the US economy.

It was the savings and loan crisis.

It is absolutely crucial to note that crises have happened in the past. Booms and busts are part of business cycles and there is really no reason to say your prayers for free market capitalism. Adherents of the Austrian school of economics may wish for a different path to be followed but the fact remains that such a business cycle is essentially the characteristic of the current setup of the system.

As proven in the past, each time the symbols of capitalism are burned to the ground, the whole system will rise up even stronger. Free market capitalism is a phoenix in the truest sense of the legend.

This is untrue for socialism or most of its variants. Once it is burned, it stays down and is forever maimed. Statists will do well to commit this to memory.

The most important aspect of the 1980s crisis is the action taken in its aftermath. The US government bailed out a number of troubled companies on the pretext that these companies were too big to fail. The idea was that these companies were too entangled in the economy and their failure would send destructive ripples throughout the system. And just before the beginning of the decade, there was the bailout of Chrysler rationalized by the same thinking.

The benefits of bailouts are immediately apparent but the side effect will pop up only later down the line: while bailouts tend to compensate downsides of the business cycle, they adversely affect the structure of the economy. It is a seed for yet another crisis in the future.

Any bailout essentially creates a problem called moral hazard. In a situation when profits are made private and losses are socialized, participants of the market have the incentive to undertake large risks incomparable to its rewards. In the case of the sub-prime mortgage crisis, the manner in which lenders of money swam in the sea of fire was indicative — no, instructive — of an awfully misaligned carrot and stick model.

Statists have called for more regulations to mitigate the effects of moral hazard but it must be highlighted that without the state-created moral hazard, there will be less requirement for regulation; the only regulation required in a situation which the state refrains from interfering in the market, with all else being equal, will be the rule of market Darwinism.

In true free market capitalism, profits and losses are internalized and thus eliminate the source for the explained moral hazard. With a more balanced risk-reward model, the severity of the crisis could have been reduced.

While moral hazard may have a role in the whole mess, an even bigger potential culprit is the low interest rates, courtesy of the state. This is so because the prevalent low interest rates environment in the early 2000s provided cheap financing which in turn fueled demand for, among others, homes. The environment was made possible as the Federal Reserve tried to maneuver the economy to a soft landing after the bust of the dotcom bubble. Needless to say, the Federal Reserve is an arm of the state and therefore, the tweaking of the interest rates is an act of intervention by the state.

If the setting of interest rates was left to the means of the market, it would have gone up and not down as lenders seek to compensate the prevailing risk.

With demand built-up fueled by cheap sources of funds, as well as several other factors which are mostly irrelevant to the issue at hand, the housing bubble grew and grew until the exuberance caused by the state was met with the cold logic of the free market. Slowly but surely the market overcame the interventions of the state, and brought about unintended consequences. The bubble burst and along with it the inability of borrowers to repay their mortgage loans.

The sub-prime borrowers were the first to suffer and as the borrowers defaulted on their loans, the lenders who suffered from moral hazard — no thanks to the actions by the state — began to realize the gravity of the crisis.

With the two factors considered, would it be fair to make free market capitalism a scapegoat and call for greater government intervention in the market?

In any case, it is unlikely that Malaysia will suffer the full brunt of the crisis. That, however, does not mean that there is nothing to learn from land of the free.

First, it is that past interventions have the potential of adversely affecting the future. Malaysia has had its fair share of bailouts and the fact that a majority of large companies in Malaysia are owned by state-sponsored enterprises offers many with an exciting if not scary natural experiment in a case of system-wide crisis. It would definitely be interesting to measure the moral hazard co-efficient in this country.

Secondly is the independence of Bank Negara. It is unclear how independent the technocrats on Jalan Dato’ Onn are from the politicians in Putrajaya. If Putrajaya has considerable influence over the central bank, the pressure to lower interest rates when it should be high would be present. With that possibility comes the possibility of a bubble.

Even more important is the requirement for Bank Negara to refrain from tweaking various interest rates and instead to let those rates float to their free market levels. Only the market has the processing capability to calculate the right interest rates for a particular environment while considering all variables.

Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved Mohd Hafiz Noor Shams. Some rights reserved

A version of this article was published in The Malaysian Insider.